SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi to Asharq Al-Awsat: Our Forces Cannot Be Dismantled

SDF forces are seen in the Hasakah countryside on September 7 (AFP). In the frame, SDF commander Mazloum Abdi.
SDF forces are seen in the Hasakah countryside on September 7 (AFP). In the frame, SDF commander Mazloum Abdi.
TT

SDF Commander Mazloum Abdi to Asharq Al-Awsat: Our Forces Cannot Be Dismantled

SDF forces are seen in the Hasakah countryside on September 7 (AFP). In the frame, SDF commander Mazloum Abdi.
SDF forces are seen in the Hasakah countryside on September 7 (AFP). In the frame, SDF commander Mazloum Abdi.

Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi warned against “comprehensive normalization” between Ankara and Damascus.

In an interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said such an approach serves the interests of the Ankara government and will lead to many risks on the lives of the Syrian people.

The approach will not be conducive to reaching a serious political solution, he added. “We must urge our Syrian people to stand against such a deal” between Ankara and Damascus, stressed Abdi.

The majority of the countries involved in the Syrian crisis are convinced that any Turkish military operation in northeastern Syria will lead to major suffering among the Syrian people, he continued.

The Turkish army carried out during the past two years 70 drone attacks that targeted civilians and top military commanders that were combating ISIS, he said.

Furthermore, he noted that several rounds of dialogue have been held between Damascus and top officials in northeastern Syria, but the talks did not lead to tangible results.

“The SDF cannot be militarily dismantled into individuals here and there. These forces have ongoing missions to defend Syrian territories and they boast a unique organizational structure. It is in our interest to maintain and support these forces,” he urged.

On the political crisis, Abdi said decentralization was key to the political solution. He noted that the regime acted in a decentralized manner when it was on the verge of collapse.

“Logically, the American or Russian deployment cannot remain in Syria forever. As long as the political solution remains out of reach, then we must urge the parties to act as guarantors of a negotiated political solution and exert pressure to end foreign meddling and the occupation of our territories,” he added.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan gave several signals that he may potentially normalize ties with Syrian President Bashar al-Assad. How do you view this?

Actually, the security ties have been ongoing for years. The two sides are only now discussing comprehensive normalization.

The Turkish government has said that normalization hinges on the deportation of Syrian refugees and reining in the power of the autonomous democratic authority in north and eastern Syria. There is talk about various reconciliations to determine the fate of military factions that are operating under the Turkish military in the occupied regions.

We believe that this approach reflects the interests of the Ankara government and will lead to many dangers to the future of the Syrian people. Such reconciliations are only a temporary tactic that will soon lead to the re-emergence of other issues, as we have seen in Daraa, for example.

In general, the normalization they are talking about will not lead to a serious political solution. We cannot tackle the suffering of the Syrian people in this way, especially after long years of destructive war.

Are you concerned about a Moscow-sponsored deal between Damascus and Ankara?

We are taking this issue seriously and taking measures to address it. Should the deal be struck, then it will target the will of our people, who have been fighting terrorism for years and bravely defending Syrian territories. We should also emphasize that the deal would exploit the Syrian refugees for political purposes.

We must warn our Syrian people of the need to stand against this deal, which consolidates Turkish interference in our internal affairs and makes it a constant source of crises.

Any deal should reflect the will of the Syrian people alone. It can be achieved through open political dialogue between the political parties. In spite of all the challenges, the fate of our country still lies in our hands. That way, we as Syrians, will determine, the framework that suits us. This cannot happen through deals that are being struck at the expense of our wounded people.

Syrian national security chief Ali Mamlouk had met with Turkish intelligence chief Hakan Fidan. There has been talk about security cooperation against the SDF. Does this alarm you?

As we have said, security contacts have been ongoing. Now, as the Turkish elections draw near, the Turkish side has started to take open steps. The Syrian regime must not join such tradeoffs at the expense of the Syrian people. Moreover, the SDF has for years been defending the unity of the country against foreign meddling in order to preserve Syrian sovereignty. The SDF is still cracking down on terrorist remnants with the cooperation of the international coalition.

The terrorism we are fighting is a threat to all Syrian territories. Our forces are therefore, protecting all citizens from Damascus to Aleppo, Daraa, Latakia and other regions. The presence of the SDF is a guarantee of the unity of the country against global terrorism and blatant foreign meddling. Damascus must prioritize the national interest and refuse to be dragged into short-sighted political calculations.

Erdogan has warned that he may launch a military operation in northern Syria. He has spoken about establishing a “safe zone”, but the operation has not been carried out yet. How do you interpret this?

The Turkish threats have never really ceased. Everyone realizes that such an operation will bring about more suffering on the Syrian people and the unity and sovereignty of their country.

We believe that the majority of the countries that are involved in Syria share this view. And yet, we must not claim that the threat has eased. Self-defense is a legitimate right and we are working with that view in mind. We will act against any possible development.

Turkish officials have claimed that you have not committed to agreements and understandings, including the ones reached in 2019. They claim that you have not withdrawn the SDF forces 32 kilometers away from the Turkish border.

Such claims are blatant propaganda aimed at prolonging the war and justifying it against the citizens. For our part, we have committed to the agreements and still respect them. The other side is violating the agreements. We constantly urge the guarantor countries to deter the ongoing Turkish violations.

Türkiye is an occupying force and it has no intention to withdraw from our territories. It carries out daily attacks against the best military commanders who are leading operations against ISIS cells. It is also carrying out attacks against political leaderships and civilians, including women and children. It has waged its attacks through drones and forces on the ground with the support of its allied factions.

Even agricultural fields and cattle have not been spared from the Turkish attacks. These practices are flagrant violation of international law and relevant international treaties that seek to limit the barbarity of the war.

We want to use your platform to urge the guarantor parties to again assume their responsibilities against the series of daily flagrant violations.

Are the drone attacks still ongoing?

Of course. Over the past two years, Ankara has launched over 70 drone attacks. This year alone, it struck 59 targets against civilians, our regions and forces.

As the Turkish elections draw near, Erdogan will try to divert the Turkish public’s opinion from the severe crises that emerged from his internal policy and seek to export his problems through becoming more engaged in wars and with extremist movements.

What assurances have you received from Washington?

The United States has officially announced that it stands against the military operations, but we believe that this stance is not enough to deter the Turkish violations because Ankara has kept up its war approach through other means.

That is why we urge each of Moscow and Washington to commit to the agreements and understandings that have been reached with Türkiye and firmly impose a de-escalation mechanism and rules of engagement.

Of course, rights and legal mechanisms must also be in place in case of any violations so that parties committing war crimes in northeastern Syria and all occupied territories are held to account.

What of the Russia-sponsored dialogue with Damascus?

We are in contact with Damascus and several rounds of dialogue have been held, but we cannot say that we have reached positive results.

We firmly believe that the dialogue is the only way to save the nation. We are always open to dialogue and understandings with Syrian parties, including Damascus. We are approaching the dialogue with the national interest, the rights of the citizens and unity of the country in mind.

Russia has reinforced its positions at Qamishli airport given the Turkish threats. How do you view these reinforcements? Do they support you or are they aimed at provoking Washington?

In truth, we are coordinating with Russia over the de-escalation operation and ensuring the implementation of understandings that have been signed with Türkiye. Perhaps the Russian move is logistical. We haven’t seen any actual changes on the ground.

Damascus has previously demanded the dismantling of the SDF and that it merge with the army. What do you say about that?

Let us make one thing clear, as it is known, the SDF is working very hard on combating terrorism and defending Syrian territories in the northeast. The forces operate within their areas of jurisdiction and derive their legitimacy from the local social environment: The Kurds, Arabs and Syriacs. It has gained field and social expertise through its fight against terrorism.

The SDF cannot be dismantled militarily into individuals. These forces have constant field missions in defending Syrian territories, including northeastern regions where they are deployed. It also boasts a unique organizational structure and it is in the interest of our people and territories to consolidate and support these forces.

What about the future of the autonomous administration? What is your position towards Damascus’ proposal on decentralization?

Unfortunately, the idea of decentralization has been tarnished given the lack of the voice of reason in the country. We believe that there can be no tackling of Damascus, Daraa, Sweida, Idlib, Latakia and Qamishli’s problems through the central bureaucratic apparatus that caused the current crisis.

There is a false belief in Damascus that its field advances, against factions that are complicit with Türkiye, support the centralized model. This is far from the truth and will pave the way for a new crisis in the future.

We believe that decentralization is key to the political solution. It reinforces the will of the people in determining their own fate and way of life. It offers them opportunities of local development in areas that have been marginalized for decades.

Decentralization also bolsters national cohesion. Everyone in Syria is now criticizing the centralized system, especially after the eruption of the conflict. Even the regime in Damascus is critical of it.

In order to confront the challenges, we must distribute responsibilities, duties and rights across all regions. Agreement on general principles, through our constitution, rights of our citizens, and national and economic security, must be centralized. Decentralization is the practical local implementation of these rights.

The loyalty of the citizens and national components is deepened through their local sphere. Therefore, making concessions for the rights of the citizens is a purely political and moral act.

How has the Ukraine war affected equations in the area east of the Euphrates and the roles of Türkiye and Russia?

The rules of engagement have not changed, but the impact has been felt in inflation, food security, energy and the rise in prices.

We are also observing Türkiye’s growing role in the Ukrainian conflict. Unfortunately, Ankara is exploiting this role to further its own agenda and its war policy against our regions in northern and eastern Syria. We have been discussing with the concerned international parties the need to prevent Türkiye from exploiting its role to further its occupation agenda in our regions. We are also taking our own measures to confront it.

The deployment of American forces has been unchanged since the arrival of President Joe Biden to the White House. Do you sense that troops will be deployed indefinitely?

Logically, the American and Russian presence cannot last for forever. As long as the political solution remains out of reach, then we must urge these parties to act as guarantors in a negotiated political solution and exert pressure to end the foreign meddling and occupation of our territories.

Terrorism is also a problem. The local means alone are not enough to confront terrorism. Cooperation with the international coalition is therefore necessary to that end. The same applies to the Russian forces. Serious initiatives must be activated to reach the political solution.

The autonomous administration has allowed investments in the region east of the Euphrates. Are there any projects underway?

Given the current challenges, we are seeking to diversify sources of income and the economy. We are encouraging investments to meet our needs. On the practical level, we are working on the implementation of these projects.

What about tasking the US Defense Department in handling the investments and American sanctions waivers?

The region has witnessed massive destruction by terrorism. We therefore, positively view these waivers. The aim is to improve the living conditions of the people, secure job opportunities and develop projects, especially in infrastructure, electricity, water and agriculture.



Iraq Parliament Delays Presidential Vote Again

29 January 2026, Iraq, Baghdad: A supporter of former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki chants in front of al-Maliki portrait during a protest against US President Donald Trump near the US embassy in Baghdad. Photo: Ameer Al-Mohammedawi/dpa
29 January 2026, Iraq, Baghdad: A supporter of former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki chants in front of al-Maliki portrait during a protest against US President Donald Trump near the US embassy in Baghdad. Photo: Ameer Al-Mohammedawi/dpa
TT

Iraq Parliament Delays Presidential Vote Again

29 January 2026, Iraq, Baghdad: A supporter of former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki chants in front of al-Maliki portrait during a protest against US President Donald Trump near the US embassy in Baghdad. Photo: Ameer Al-Mohammedawi/dpa
29 January 2026, Iraq, Baghdad: A supporter of former Iraqi prime minister Nouri al-Maliki chants in front of al-Maliki portrait during a protest against US President Donald Trump near the US embassy in Baghdad. Photo: Ameer Al-Mohammedawi/dpa

Iraq's parliament has again postponed the election of the country's new president, state media reported on Sunday, amid intense political horse-trading and US pressure over the new prime minister.

It was the second time parliament has delayed the presidential vote, which had first been due last week.

An AFP correspondent in the parliament said the required quorum was not reached on Sunday.

The vote was therefore delayed, according to the official INA press agency, which did not say whether a new date had been agreed.

The parliament's media office said the speaker will now meet the heads of party blocs to set a final date.

By convention, a Shiite Muslim holds the powerful post of prime minister, the parliament speaker is a Sunni and the largely ceremonial presidency goes to a Kurd.

The two main Kurdish parties have yet to settle on a presidential candidate, and the largest Shiite alliance -- despite backing Nouri al-Maliki for next premier -- faces US threats to end all support for Iraq if he takes up the post.

In Iraq, a country with chronically volatile politics driven by internal disputes and foreign pressure mostly from the United States and Iran, key decisions are often delayed beyond constitutional deadlines.

On Saturday, the Coordination Framework, an alliance of Shiite groups with varying degrees of links to Iran that has emerged as the main ruling coalition, said it "reiterates its support for its nominee", Maliki.

On Tuesday, US President Donald Trump declared Maliki a "very bad choice", and said that if Maliki was elected Washington "will no longer help Iraq".

Iraq's only two-term prime minister fell out with the United States during his premiership between 2006 and 2014 over growing ties with Iran.

Sources close to the Coordination Framework said that Shiite leaders are divided, with some wanting Maliki to stand aside, fearing US sanctions if he returns to office.

On the presidential front, Kurdish parties have yet to agree on a candidate, who must be endorsed by other blocs and win a two-thirds majority in parliament.

The presidency is usually held by the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). This year, the rival Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) named its own candidate, Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein.


Besieged by Gang Violence, Palestinian Citizens in Israel Demand More Security

A Palestinian child walks through the cemetery with graves of some of those killed during the war, in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, January 30, 2026. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa
A Palestinian child walks through the cemetery with graves of some of those killed during the war, in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, January 30, 2026. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa
TT

Besieged by Gang Violence, Palestinian Citizens in Israel Demand More Security

A Palestinian child walks through the cemetery with graves of some of those killed during the war, in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, January 30, 2026. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa
A Palestinian child walks through the cemetery with graves of some of those killed during the war, in Deir al-Balah, central Gaza Strip, January 30, 2026. REUTERS/Mahmoud Issa

Nabil Safiya had taken a break from studying for a biology exam to meet a cousin at a pizza parlor when a gunman on a motorcycle rode past and fired, killing the 15-year-old as he sat in a black Renault.

The shooting — which police later said was a case of mistaken identity — stunned his hometown of Kafr Yasif, long besieged, like many Palestinian towns in Israel, by a wave of gang violence and family feuds.

“There is no set time for the gunfire anymore,” said Nabil’s father, Ashraf Safiya. “They can kill you in school, they can kill you in the street, they can kill you in the football stadium.”

The violence plaguing Israel’s Arab minority has become an inescapable part of daily life. Activists have long accused authorities of failing to address the issue and say that sense has deepened under Israel's current far-right government, The Associated Press said.

One out of every five citizens in Israel is Palestinian. The rate of crime-related killings among them is more than 22 times higher than that for Jewish Israelis, while arrest and indictment rates for those crimes are far lower. Critics cite the disparities as evidence of entrenched discrimination and neglect.

A growing number of demonstrations are sweeping Israel. Thousands marched in Tel Aviv late Saturday to demand action, while Arab communities have gone on strike, closing shops and schools.

In November, after Nabil was gunned down, residents marched through the streets, students boycotted their classes and the Safiya family turned their home into a shrine with pictures and posters of Nabil.

The outrage had as much to do with what happened as with how often it keeps happening.

“There’s a law for the Jewish society and a different law for Palestinian society,” Ghassan Munayyer, a political activist from Lod, a mixed city with a large Palestinian population, said at a recent protest.

An epidemic of violence

Some Palestinian citizens have reached the highest echelons of business and politics in Israel. Yet many feel forsaken by authorities, with their communities marked by underinvestment and high unemployment that fuels frustration and distrust toward the state.

Nabil was one of a record 252 Palestinian citizens to be killed in Israel last year, according to data from Abraham Initiatives, an Israeli nongovernmental organization that promotes coexistence and safer communities. The toll continues to climb, with at least 26 additional crime-related killings in January.

Walid Haddad, a criminologist who teaches at Ono Academic College and who previously worked in Israel’s national security ministry, said that organized crime thrives off weapons trafficking and loan‑sharking in places where people lack access to credit. Gangs also extort residents and business owners for “protection,” he said.

Based on interviews with gang members in prisons and courts, he said they can earn anywhere from thousands to hundreds of thousands of dollars, depending on whether the job is torching cars, shooting at buildings or assassinating rival leaders.

"If they fire at homes or people once or twice a month, they can buy cars, go on trips. It’s easy money,” Haddad said, noting a widespread sense of impunity.

The violence has stifled the rhythm of life in many Palestinian communities. In Kafr Yasif, a northern Israel town of 10,000, streets empty by nightfall, and it’s not uncommon for those trying to sleep to hear gunshots ringing through their neighborhoods.

Prosecutions lag

Last year, only 8% of killings of Palestinian citizens led to charges filed against suspects, compared with 55% in Jewish communities, according to Abraham Initiatives.

Lama Yassin, the Abraham Initiatives’ director of shared cities and regions, said strained relations with police long discouraged Palestinian citizens from calling for new police stations or more police officers in their communities.

Not anymore.

“In recent years, because people are so depressed and feel like they’re not able to practice day-to-day life ... Arabs are saying, ‘Do whatever it takes, even if it means more police in our towns,’” Yassin said.

The killings have become a rallying cry for Palestinian-led political parties after successive governments pledged to curb the bloodshed with little results. Politicians and activists see the spate of violence as a reflection of selective enforcement and police apathy.

"We’ve been talking about this for 10 years," said Knesset member Aida Touma-Suleiman.

She labeled policing in Palestinian communities “collective punishment,” noting that when Jews are victims of violence, police often set up roadblocks in neighboring Palestinian towns, flood areas with officers and arrest suspects en masse.

“The only side that can be able to smash a mafia is the state and the state is doing nothing except letting (organized crime) understand that they are free to do whatever they want,” Touma-Suleiman said.

Many communities feel impunity has gotten worse, she added, under National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who with authority over the police has launched aggressive and visible campaigns against other crimes, targeting protests and pushing for tougher operations in east Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank.

Israeli police reject allegations of skewed priorities, saying that killings in these communities are a top priority. Police also have said investigations are challenging because witnesses don’t always cooperate.

“Investigative decisions are guided by evidence, operational considerations, and due process, not by indifference or lack of prioritization,” police said in a statement.

Unanswered demands

In Kafr Yasif, Ashraf Safiya vowed his son wouldn’t become just another statistic.

He had just gotten home from his work as a dentist and off the phone with Nabil when he learned about the shooting. He raced to the scene to find the car window shattered as Nabil was being rushed to the hospital. Doctors there pronounced him dead.

“The idea was that the blood of this boy would not be wasted,” Safiya said of protests he helped organize. “If people stop caring about these cases, we’re going to just have another case and another case.”

Authorities said last month they were preparing to file an indictment against a 23-year-old arrested in a neighboring town in connection with the shooting. They said the intended target was a relative, referring to the cousin with Nabil that night.

And they described Nabil as a victim of what they called "blood feuds within Arab society.”

At a late January demonstration in Kafr Yasif, marchers carried portraits of Nabil and Nidal Mosaedah, another local boy killed in the violence. Police broke up the protest, saying it lasted longer than authorized, and arrested its leaders, including the former head of the town council.

The show of force, residents said, may have quashed one protest, but did nothing to halt the killings.


Kurdistan Region Seeks Retroactive Compensation for Crimes Committed Under Saddam Hussein

Kurdish families at a cemetery for victims of the chemical bombardment of the city of Halabja (AFP). 
Kurdish families at a cemetery for victims of the chemical bombardment of the city of Halabja (AFP). 
TT

Kurdistan Region Seeks Retroactive Compensation for Crimes Committed Under Saddam Hussein

Kurdish families at a cemetery for victims of the chemical bombardment of the city of Halabja (AFP). 
Kurdish families at a cemetery for victims of the chemical bombardment of the city of Halabja (AFP). 

The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) has renewed a retroactive demand for compensation from Iraq’s federal government for crimes committed by the regime of the late president Saddam Hussein against the Kurds.

The move is widely seen as a calculated bid for leverage as calls grow to scrutinize the region’s revenues and governance.

In a statement issued on Thursday, the KRG said it is seeking $384.6 billion in compensation for the people of the Kurdistan Region for damages resulting from “crimes committed by the Iraqi regime between 1963 and 2003”, the period of Baath Party rule from its coup against the government of Abdul Karim Qasim until the US-led invasion that toppled it.

The claim is not unprecedented. Erbil made the same demand in 2013, according to a statement issued at the time by the KRG’s Ministry of Martyrs and Anfal Affairs.

Why now?

Explaining the timing, Jotiar Adil, head of the KRG’s Department of Media and Information, told Asharq Al-Awsat that “Erbil did not choose the timing; it was imposed by the painful paradox in Baghdad’s dealings with the region.”

Constitutional rights, he said, “do not lapse with time,” adding that reopening the compensation file is meant to remind partners in Baghdad that the people of Kurdistan are owed billions of dollars for widespread destruction and genocide.

Adil argued that subjecting the region to “microscopic scrutiny” over oil and non-oil revenues while ignoring the destruction of 4,500 villages—wiped out during the 1988 military campaign internationally recognized as genocide—was illogical.

“The timing carries a message,” he said. “Before you cut our people’s livelihoods today, remember your historical debts to them.” He rejected suggestions that the move was political maneuvering, describing it instead as “a legal rights case aimed at justice, not at paralyzing Baghdad.”

A dispute over resources

Baghdad has insisted on implementing agreements governing oil revenues and border crossings before releasing the region’s financial entitlements. Technical disputes are often entangled with political negotiations over forming federal governments.

Iraq’s constitution provides for joint management of oil and gas, equitable revenue distribution based on population, and temporary allocations for areas damaged by past conflicts.

For years, the Kurdistan Region exported oil via Türkiye’s Ceyhan port without Baghdad’s approval. Exports were halted in 2023 following an international arbitration ruling requiring sales to be conducted through the state oil marketer, SOMO, exacerbating tensions.

Although an agreement was reached in 2025 on handing over the region’s oil, it has yet to be implemented. Baghdad later cut public-sector salaries in the Kurdistan Region as leverage, a move Erbil condemned as a violation of citizens’ rights.

Adil said the compensation figure was based on international standards similar to those used by the UN Compensation Commission in assessing damages to Kuwait after Iraq’s 1990 invasion, factoring in cumulative harm and present value.

He noted that post-2003 governments honored Saddam-era obligations abroad — paying compensation to Kuwait and settling Paris Club debts — while rejecting comparable responsibility toward victims at home.