Saudi Arabia Always Pursues Political Solution in Yemen in Spite of Wrong Interpretations 

A general view of Sanaa, Yemen. (EPA)
A general view of Sanaa, Yemen. (EPA)
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Saudi Arabia Always Pursues Political Solution in Yemen in Spite of Wrong Interpretations 

A general view of Sanaa, Yemen. (EPA)
A general view of Sanaa, Yemen. (EPA)

Observers of the situation in Yemen find that Riyadh has used diplomacy to reach a solution to the war-torn country’s crisis and end the coup of the Iran-backed Houthi militias. 

Saudi Arabia has remained committed to its allies in Yemen. It has not abandoned them, making it difficult for the Houthis to achieve their ambitions. Throughout, the Kingdom’s strategy in Yemen lies in resolving the crisis through political means. 

The Kingdom has backed the United Nations’ solution to the crisis. UN envoys have come and gone, but the Saudi support has remained unwavering, whether in facilitating the envoys’ mission, positively approaching suggestions or using its international relations to ensure their success. 

Moreover, Saudi Arabia has opened back channels, establishing communication with the Houthis and Saudi officials have even met with militia officials, such as in Geneva shortly after the coup and later in Kuwait in 2016. 

Observers find that Saudi Arabia has no reservations over all efforts aimed at ending the crisis in Yemen. It constantly has the interests of the Yemeni people at heart, which is reflected in its political efforts, as well as its development and humanitarian work in Yemen. 

Furthermore, Saudi Arabia has also pursued direct dialogue with Iran. Saudi officials have confirmed the talks whenever they are asked about them by the press. 

Regardless of whether these talks make progress or not, the fact that they are being held is significant for Yemen seeing as Iran is the main cause for the prolongation of the crisis through its support to the Houthis. 

The political predicament facing these efforts, whether the Saudi or the international ones, is tied to several factors, the most prominent of which observers believe is the wrong interpretation of the diplomatic efforts. 

The wrong view believes that Riyadh is targeting the Houthis, while the reality is that its greater goal is to achieve security and stability for the Kingdom and Yemen and the interests of the Yemeni people. 

The Yemeni people are not surprised with Saudi Arabia’s openness to various tribal and political powers in Yemen. One of the Kingdom’s key strengths is its good relations with these parties that allow it to act as a trusted mediator during times of disputes. 

It is evident that Riyadh will continue to back the Yemeni government and people in their goal to reclaim their state.  

Saudi Arabia has not only provided political support to its neighbor, but also economic backing to the government and people. Positive economic development in Yemen, in line with Vision 2030, will not only impact the country, but the region as a whole. 

Major investments are being unveiled in Arab countries. They are part of Saudi Arabia’s leading role in becoming the example and moral and financial motivator to all countries so that the region will set its sights on the future, economy, growth and quality of life, away from ideologies, sectarianism and narrow politics that have impoverished nations and dashed people’s hopes and dreams. 



Who’s in the Frame to Be Lebanon’s Next President?

The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)
The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)
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Who’s in the Frame to Be Lebanon’s Next President?

The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)
The Lebanese Parliament building a day before a session to elect the Lebanese president, in Beirut, Lebanon, 08 January 2025. (EPA)

Lebanon's parliament will attempt to elect a new head of state on Thursday, with officials seeing better odds of success in a political landscape shaken by Israel's assault on Hezbollah and the toppling of the group's ally Bashar al-Assad in Syria.

The post, reserved for a Maronite Christian in the sectarian power-sharing system, has been vacant since Michel Aoun's term ended in October 2022.

While there are always many Maronite hopefuls, including the leaders of the two largest Christian parties - Samir Geagea and Gebran Bassil - sources say the focus is currently on the following three names:

JOSEPH AOUN

General Joseph Aoun, 60, has been commander of the US-backed Lebanese army since 2017, leading the military through a devastating financial crisis that paralyzed much of the Lebanese state after the banking system collapsed in 2019.

On Aoun's watch, US aid continued to flow to the army, part of a US policy focused on supporting state institutions to curb the influence of the heavily armed, Iran-backed Hezbollah, which Washington deems a terrorist group.

Shortly after his appointment, the army waged an offensive to clear ISIS militants from an enclave at the Syrian border, drawing praise from the US ambassador at the time who said the military had done an "excellent job".

His training has included two infantry officer courses in the United States.

Lebanese politicians have said Aoun's candidacy enjoys US approval. A State Department spokesperson said it was "up to Lebanon to choose its next president, not the United States or any external actor".

Hezbollah official Wafiq Safa has said last week there was "no veto" on Aoun. But sources familiar with Hezbollah thinking say it will not support Aoun.

His candidacy has also been opposed by Lebanon's two largest Christian parties - the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement.

Three other former army chiefs - Emile Lahoud, Michel Suleiman and Michel Aoun - have served as president.

Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri - a Hezbollah ally - has said the constitution would need to be amended in order for Aoun to take the post. It currently forbids a serving state official from becoming head of state.

JIHAD AZOUR

Azour, 58, served as finance minister in the Western-backed government of former Prime Minister Fouad Siniora between 2005 and 2008, a period of intense political conflict in Lebanon pitting factions backed by Iran and Syria against others supported by the West.

Since 2017, he has served as Director of the Middle East and Central Asia Department at the International Monetary Fund (IMF). He holds a PhD in International Finance and a post-graduate degree in International Economics and Finance, both from the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris.

He first emerged as a presidential candidate in 2023, when factions including both of the Lebanese Forces and the Free Patriotic Movement voted for him. He received 59 votes.

Hezbollah and its closest allies voted for Suleiman Franjieh in that session - the last time parliament attempted to elect a head of state. Franjieh secured 51 votes.

Hezbollah at the time described Azour as a confrontational candidate - a reference to his role in the Siniora cabinet.

Azour said at the time that his candidacy was not intended as a challenge to anyone, but rather "a call for unity, for breaking down alignments and for a search for common ground in order to get out of the crisis".

ELIAS AL-BAYSARI

Major-General Elias Baysari, 60, has been interim head of the General Security directorate since the term of his predecessor, Major General Abbas Ibrahim, ended in 2023 with no consensus among Lebanese factions on who should replace him.

The security agency Baysari runs is Lebanon's most powerful internal security force, running Lebanon's border crossings and domestic intelligence operations.

He was a little-known figure in Lebanese public life until his promotion to the head of General Security.

He holds a PhD in law from the Lebanese University.