The Global Economy Caught Between Wars and Geopolitical Conflicts

March 2023 will mark three years since Lebanon's default on external debt. (AFP)
March 2023 will mark three years since Lebanon's default on external debt. (AFP)
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The Global Economy Caught Between Wars and Geopolitical Conflicts

March 2023 will mark three years since Lebanon's default on external debt. (AFP)
March 2023 will mark three years since Lebanon's default on external debt. (AFP)

There is a saying, "When the US economy sneezes, the emerging markets get a cold." The global economy now may be more complex: it is more resilient in terms of where new economic growth emerges, but more vulnerable in terms of risk emanating from the United States, but also in China, and in sites of conflict and geopolitical competition. 

Inflation is the immediate risk, but the outlook for shared global growth looks more uneven as the traditional drivers of innovation and investment from the West now face a prolonged demographic decline, coupled with rising nationalist sentiment, and protectionist trade and industrial policies.

The Covid-19 pandemic, Russia waging war in Europe, and a distrust of China's economic model all influence Western strategic assessments, but the trendline of growth and productivity decline has been building for some time. In the rich world, between 1980 and 2000, GDP per capita grew annually on average about 2.25%, but in the last twenty years that growth has halved.

Challenges in the Arab region

For the Arab region, 2023 will bring a set of new challenges to balance the opportunity of high resource revenues with more structural inflationary pressures and a widening gap between energy importers and exporters. The upside is that now is a tremendous moment of opportunity for some Arab states to take leadership roles in regional and global investment to accelerate new technologies to solve some of our most pressing energy needs.

For investors, the war in Ukraine will continue to have repercussions in the global economy, whether in energy flows or food supplies. Tensions between the US and China add potential risk escalation scenarios, as well as the failure of the Iran deal negotiations and the new reality of a nuclear arms race in the Middle East. For the United States, its Middle East policy will have to change, necessitating a new kind of economic and security engagement across the Arab region.

In markets, what happens in the US and the decisions of the Federal Reserve's Open Market Committee will continue to influence global costs of borrowing.

For Arab economies with currencies tied to the US dollar, the strength of the US dollar combined with higher interest rates creates some challenges to domestic bank liquidity. For weaker Arab economies, debt sustainability will be a pressing challenge to governments and will change their relations with international financial institutions, as well as with their Gulf neighbors willing to provide central bank deposits, currency swaps, and commitments of foreign direct investment. 

Oil and the markets

The economic health of the Arab region remains connected to the whims of global commodity markets, especially oil and gas. We don't really know the depth of the global economic slowdown ahead, or its impact on energy demand in 2023.

For oil, how quickly and with what urgency can demand recover in China? The good news is that oil prices remain, for now, at levels in excess of Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) fiscal and breakeven levels. Fiscal policy has been more constrained than in previous windfalls, and new efforts at tax collection and the growth of tourism and service sector activity in the GCC is cushioning the possibility of a crash on the other side of this oil market swing.

Perhaps more important though is the shift in external GCC assets; the breadth and scope of Gulf investment has never been more transformational in the global economy. One estimate by a leading investment bank sees an upside scenario where Brent oil prices rise steadily over the next three years to $120/bbl, GCC external assets could reach a value of $6 trillion. But even with a scenario of much lower oil prices, to levels of $40/bbl, the GCC asset value flattens at a very significant level of just about $5 trillion. That's not exactly a crash in influence in a downside scenario.

Global oil production is shifting as well, as the cost curve for financial and regulatory constraints changes. This creates an advantage for dominant Gulf producers willing to invest in production. It also makes their politics more complex with members of OPEC+ and the largest global oil producer, the United States.  At the same time, the outlook for global natural gas demand has drawn Arab producers from North Africa, the Levant and the Gulf closer to Europe.

Energy costs

For the Arab region, inflation and high energy costs add to broader challenges to human development, as a recent UNDP report assesses a real backtracking in development indicators. Trust in how governments can respond to external economic challenges, whether originating from a pandemic or a global recession combined with inflationary pressure, remains low and deteriorating in the region.

A recent Arab Barometer survey found that only 30 percent of respondents reported having a great deal of trust in their governments as responsive to the needs of its citizens. There are some limited exceptions, however. An Edelman Trust Barometer found two countries from the Arab region - Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates - among seven countries of the 27 surveyed, with high levels of public trust.

Trust will be an imperative in 2023 across Arab states as governments deal with a mounting set of risk scenarios and economic challenges. In two states, Egypt and Lebanon, we see the extent of the trust deficit, from monetary policy to lagging reform efforts to general government disfunction.

Egypt and Lebanon

In Egypt, an IMF agreement on a $3 billion, 46 month extended fund facility will require more exchange rate flexibility from the central bank and the government to more actively limit its ownership within the economy, making room for more private sector gains. With that agreement, comes more Gulf support, which has also included opportunistic purchases of publicly listed companies.

For Egypt, any efforts to float the currency and more actively engage foreign investors on a level playing field with the state will also require management efforts at factors outside of the state's control, such as tourism from abroad (especially Russia), energy prices and remittances. Debt management, of course, will be an ongoing stress and will not be solved by this one IMF agreement.

For Lebanon, March 2023 will mark three years since its default on external debt. There is little confidence from citizens or creditors on the state's ability to slow its demise. Economic activity has shrunk by half, inflation rose to an average of 200% over the past year, and the value of the currency has declined 95% of its value against the USD. Poverty has doubled to 82% of the population between 2019 and 2021.

A deal to begin exploration and production of natural gas under the sea between Israel and Lebanon marked a bright spot in the ability of Lebanon to earn foreign currency from future exports, and to see some possibility of tension management among its political factions. Trust in the longevity of that agreement will also depend on factors outside of Lebanon's control, including the policies of a new government in Israel.

High interest rates

In 2023, the threat of a global economic recession coupled with high interest rates will widen the gap of the "haves and have nots" within the Arab region. But more importantly, governments will be tested on their management of external risk and their ability to communicate to citizens and their regional partners what path they choose.

No longer is the region's economy affected by just what happens in the US or its monetary policy. Geopolitical risk, stagflation and a longer-term demographic shift in the West will combine with an emerging set of opportunities for Gulf state investors and regional economies.

*Karen E. Young, PhD is a Senior Research Scholar at Columbia University in the Center on Global Energy Policy. She is the author of “The Economic Statecraft of the Gulf Arab States”, available in January 2023.



China's Finance Ministry: Fiscal Policies Will be More 'Proactive' in 2026

A man walks on a street in Beijing, China, 24 December 2025. EPA/WU HAO
A man walks on a street in Beijing, China, 24 December 2025. EPA/WU HAO
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China's Finance Ministry: Fiscal Policies Will be More 'Proactive' in 2026

A man walks on a street in Beijing, China, 24 December 2025. EPA/WU HAO
A man walks on a street in Beijing, China, 24 December 2025. EPA/WU HAO

China's finance ministry on Sunday said fiscal policies will be more proactive next year, reiterating its focus on domestic demand, technological innovation and a social safety net.

The statement comes as trading partners urge the world's second-biggest economy to reduce its reliance on exports, underscoring the urgency to revive confidence at home where a prolonged property crisis has rippled ⁠through the economy, weighing on sentiment.

China will boost consumption and actively expand investment in new productive forces and people's overall development, the ministry said in a statement after a two-day meeting at which it set ⁠2026 goals.

In addition, Reuters quoted the ministry as saying that it will support innovation to foster new growth engines, and improve the social security system by providing better healthcare and education services.

Other tasks for next year include promoting integration between urban and rural areas, and propelling China's transformation into a greener society.

China is likely to stick to ⁠its annual economic growth target of around 5% in 2026, government advisers and analysts told Reuters, a goal that would require authorities to keep fiscal and monetary spigots open as they seek to snap a deflationary spell.

Leaders this month promised to maintain a "proactive" fiscal policy next year that would stimulate both consumption and investment to maintain high economic growth.


Bulgaria Adopts Euro Amid Fear and Uncertainty

Customers shop in a grocery store in the village of Chuprene, northwestern Bulgaria on December 7, 2025. (Photo by Nikolay DOYCHINOV / AFP)
Customers shop in a grocery store in the village of Chuprene, northwestern Bulgaria on December 7, 2025. (Photo by Nikolay DOYCHINOV / AFP)
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Bulgaria Adopts Euro Amid Fear and Uncertainty

Customers shop in a grocery store in the village of Chuprene, northwestern Bulgaria on December 7, 2025. (Photo by Nikolay DOYCHINOV / AFP)
Customers shop in a grocery store in the village of Chuprene, northwestern Bulgaria on December 7, 2025. (Photo by Nikolay DOYCHINOV / AFP)

Bulgaria will become the 21st country to adopt the euro on Thursday, but some believe the move could bring higher prices and add to instability in the European Union's poorest country.

A protest campaign emerged this year to "keep the Bulgarian lev", playing on public fears of price rises and a generally negative view of the euro among much of the population.

But successive governments have pushed to join the eurozone and supporters insist it will boost the economy, reinforce ties to the West and protect against Russia's influence.

The single currency first rolled out in 12 countries on January 1, 2002, and has since regularly extended its influence, with Croatia the last country to join in 2023.

But Bulgaria faces unique challenges, including anti-corruption protests that recently swept a conservative-led government from office, leaving the country on the verge of its eighth election in five years.

Boryana Dimitrova of the Alpha Research polling institute, which has tracked public opinion on the euro for a year, told AFP any problems with euro adoption would be seized on by anti-EU politicians.

Any issues will become "part of the political campaign, which creates a basis for rhetoric directed against the EU", she said.

While far-right and pro-Russia parties have been behind several anti-euro protests, many people, especially in poor rural areas, worry about the new currency.

"Prices will go up. That's what friends of mine who live in Western Europe told me," Bilyana Nikolova, 53, who runs a grocery store in the village of Chuprene in northwestern Bulgaria, told AFP.

The latest survey by the EU's polling agency Eurobarometer suggested 49 percent of Bulgarians were against the single currency.

After hyperinflation in the 1990s, Bulgaria pegged its currency to the German mark and then to the euro, making the country dependent on the European Central Bank (ECB).

"It will now finally be able to take part in decision making within this monetary union," Georgi Angelov, senior economist at the Open Society Institute in Sofia, told AFP.

An EU member since 2007, Bulgaria joined the so-called "waiting room" to the single currency in 2020, at the same time as Croatia.

The gains of joining the euro are "substantial", ECB president Christine Lagarde said last month in Sofia, citing "smoother trade, lower financing costs and more stable prices".

Small and medium-sized enterprises stand to save an equivalent of some 500 million euros ($580 million) in exchange fees, she added.

One sector expected to benefit in the Black Sea nation is tourism, which this year generated around eight percent of the country's GDP.

Lagarde predicted the impact on consumer prices would be "modest and short-lived", saying in earlier euro changeovers, the impact was between 0.2 and 0.4 percentage points.

But consumers -- already struggling with inflation -- fear they will not be able to make ends meet, according to Dimitrova.

Food prices in November were up five percent year-on-year, according to the National Statistical Institute, more than double the eurozone average.

Parliament this year adopted empowered oversight bodies to investigate sharp price hikes and curb "unjustified" surges linked to the euro changeover.

But analysts fear wider political uncertainty risks delaying much needed anti-corruption reforms, which could have a knock-on effect on the wider economy.

"The challenge will be to have a stable government for at least one to two years, so we can fully reap the benefits of joining the euro area," Angelov said.


Syria Prepares to Launch New Currency Amid Major Challenges

Syrian Central Bank Governor Abdulkader Husrieh (X)
Syrian Central Bank Governor Abdulkader Husrieh (X)
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Syria Prepares to Launch New Currency Amid Major Challenges

Syrian Central Bank Governor Abdulkader Husrieh (X)
Syrian Central Bank Governor Abdulkader Husrieh (X)

Syria’s central bank governor, Abdulkader Husrieh, said the new Syrian pound is not merely a means of exchange but a symbol of the success of the Syrian revolution, national belonging, and confidence in the country’s ability to recover.

In a Facebook post, Husrieh said that with the launch of the new currency, Syrians were not just celebrating a banknote, but also celebrating their sovereignty and national identity, noting that many international experiences show that national currencies become strong when people rally around them, according to the Syrian Arab News Agency.

He pointed to Germany’s experience, where the introduction of the mark after the war marked the starting point of economic recovery, and to France, where the new French franc became the financial symbol of the new republic, known as the Fifth Republic.

Husrieh said the central bank would carry out its role with a clear understanding of the challenges and opportunities, while committing to responsibility, transparency, and the protection of the national currency. He added that the cornerstone remains public solidarity and trust, because a strong currency begins with the people's belief in it.

He called for turning the launch into a dignified national occasion through which Syrians express awareness, confidence, and adherence to the pound as a symbol of sovereignty and a national choice.

Husrieh added that supporting the pound is supporting the nation, and taking pride in it is a matter of pride in the future for Syrians and their children. He described the move as an opportunity for a new success following the success of the revolution in liberation and the lifting of economic sanctions that had shackled Syria’s economy for nearly fifty years.

Husrieh had recently announced that Jan. 1, 2026, would mark the launch of the new Syrian currency and the start of the exchange process for the old notes, with the exchange to be carried out through 66 companies and 1,000 designated outlets.

Restoring confidence

Political and economic researcher Bassel Kouwefi said the exchange plans, if well implemented, could serve as an entry point for rebuilding confidence in the national economy, encouraging domestic investment, and paving the way for broader reforms in the financial sector. However, he warned against failing to address the root causes of inflation and economic collapse during the previous regime's rule.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Kouwefi described currency exchange and the removal of zeros as complex economic measures.

He said their main benefits include simplifying daily transactions, reducing the volume of banknotes in circulation, boosting confidence in stability, lowering printing and transportation costs, simplifying accounting records and financial software, and reducing currency speculation driven by corruption networks seeking to undermine stability in Syria.

Kouwefi said the exchange plans, if well-executed, could help restore confidence in the macroeconomy, but stressed the challenges posed by failing to tackle the fundamental causes of past inflation and collapse, including fiscal deficits, instability, and weak production. He said a comprehensive economic and financial program was therefore essential.

He added that the process also requires strong banking infrastructure, an organized transition period, and sufficient liquidity in the new denominations.

He said these remain major challenges under current Syrian conditions, alongside the need to mitigate social impacts that could lead to public confusion, market exploitation, and difficulties for less informed segments of society.