How Did Egypt Get Close to Announcing ‘End of Terrorism’?https://english.aawsat.com/home/article/4118291/how-did-egypt-get-close-announcing-%E2%80%98end-terrorism%E2%80%99
How Did Egypt Get Close to Announcing ‘End of Terrorism’?
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi monitoring revision of Sinai development projects (Egyptian Presidency)
Egypt’s President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi has repeatedly made statements about his country succeeding in eliminating terrorism to a large extent. These claims have raised many questions about the steps Egypt has taken to fight terrorism.
Sisi had announced that Egypt will organize a massive celebration in the North Sinai Governorate.
The Egyptian governorate, over the past years, has been ailed by the presence of extremist groups.
The Egyptian army and police forces have launched a major security operation in north and central Sinai since February 2018 to purge the area from takfiris loyal to the terrorist organization ISIS. The campaign was named “Comprehensive Operation Sinai.”
Today, Sinai is witnessing many development projects for the restoration of its infrastructure. Recently, the region was visited by several ministers and officials.
Sisi noted that the North Sinai city of al-Arish witnessed the landing of a plane carrying Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly for the first time in almost eight years.
“We were not able to hold a (celebration) when al-Arish and Rafah were in the state they were seven years ago,” added the president.
Sisi mentioned general information about the planned celebration in al-Arish.
He said it would be a memorable one, noting that the event will also take place in other Sinai cities that suffered from terrorism in the past years, including Rafah and Sheikh Zuweid.
Sisi’s announcement signals stability and calm in Sinai after years of fighting “terrorism.”
In December 2017, unidentified attackers shelled al-Arish airport. The attack took place during a visit to the city by the Egyptian ministers of defense and interior.
At the time, the Egyptian army announced that an officer was killed, and two others were injured in the attack.
Madbouly, alongside seven ministers, had visited North Sinai in mid-January.
“The state, with all its affiliated bodies, has exerted arduous efforts to uproot terrorism in Sinai and at the same time establish development projects,” affirmed Madbouly.
Madbouly said the security situation in the governorate is stable, after tremendous efforts exerted by the state.
He also referred to the sacrifices made by the Armed Forces, the police, and the civilians to fight terrorism and restore stability to the region.
During an inspection tour of North Sinai, Madbouly talked about the aftermath of terrorist attacks targeting government and security institutions. He said that traces of bullets were still present on the facades of buildings.
“The celebration that Sisi announced in North Sinai proves that we are greatly close to eliminating the security challenges in Rafah, Sheikh Zuweid and al-Arish,” said Amr Abdel Moneim, an Egyptian researcher specializing in Islamic movements.
“The fete will be the result of a plan that was implemented successfully according to the methodologies of security operations and military strategies,” Moneim told Asharq Al-Awsat.
Moneim pointed out that the tribes in Sinai had participated in purging the region from terrorism.
Many victims of the Egyptian police and army fell during the anti-terrorism operations in Sinai.
Speaking on Egyptian Police Day on Monday, Sisi reminded attendees that Egypt has paid a steep price in its fight against terrorism.
North Sinai Governor Mohamed Abdel-Fadil Shousha affirmed that Sisi had allotted sizable attention to clear Sinai from terrorism and launch development projects there.
The Egyptian government, for its part, confirmed adopting a “comprehensive vision” for the reconstruction of the Sinai Peninsula after the elimination of “hotbeds of terrorism.”
Investments amounting to more than LE700 billion were and are being implemented to develop the Sinai Peninsula over eight years, the Egyptian government revealed.
Jamal Mustafa to Asharq Al-Awsat: I Couldn’t Provide Bribe Demanded by Judge, So I Was Jailed for Another 10 Yearshttps://english.aawsat.com/features/5085869-jamal-mustafa-asharq-al-awsat-i-couldn%E2%80%99t-provide-bribe-demanded-judge-so-i-was
Jamal Mustafa to Asharq Al-Awsat: I Couldn’t Provide Bribe Demanded by Judge, So I Was Jailed for Another 10 Years
Saddam Hussein and Jamal Mustafa Sultan.
In the final installment of his interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Jamal Mustafa Sultan, a former Iraqi official and Saddam Hussein’s son-in-law, delves into his arrest, the collapse of hopes for resistance against US forces, and the turmoil that followed the American invasion of Iraq in 2003.
Mustafa faced a harsh journey during the 2003 US invasion of Iraq. He traveled to rally tribal leaders to defend Baghdad, only to return and find the city occupied. Declared a fugitive, his face appeared on the US “most-wanted” playing cards.
Mustafa fled to Syria but was denied asylum and sent back to Iraq, where he was arrested. Accused of leading resistance and car bombings, the court found no evidence to convict him.
In 2011, a judge offered him release in exchange for a bribe, which Mustafa could not afford. His proposal to sell family land to pay was rejected, leaving him imprisoned for another decade. He was eventually freed over lack of evidence.
After his release, Mustafa went to Erbil, where Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani invited him for a meeting. Barzani welcomed him warmly and asked how he could help. Mustafa requested assistance in obtaining a passport, praising Barzani’s generosity.
Mustafa shared that Saddam respected Barzani, once calling him a “tough but honorable opponent.” He also revealed that, before the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, Barzani had assured Saddam that Kurdish forces would not fight the Iraqi army.
Recalling the lead-up to the war, Mustafa said Saddam tasked him with reconnecting with tribal leaders to encourage them to resist the invasion.
He delivered personal messages from Saddam, along with financial support, to help tribes host Iraqi soldiers stationed nearby. Mustafa later traveled to the Anbar province to rally tribes and bring them to defend Baghdad.
This account offers a rare glimpse into the behind-the-scenes efforts to resist the US invasion and the complex relationships that shaped Iraq’s history.
As the US invasion loomed, Mustafa met with thousands of tribal leaders to rally support for Baghdad’s defense.
“During the war, I met with over 4,500 tribal sheikhs from across Iraq,” he said. But when he returned to Baghdad after a trip to Anbar, everything had changed. “The city had fallen, and everything was in chaos.”
Mustafa tried to locate his associates but found no one. On April 11, 2003, he sent his driver to search for allies.
By chance, his brother, Lt. Gen. Kamal Mustafa, located him. “He told me we needed to leave Baghdad. I hadn’t planned to leave, but he convinced me it was the logical choice—we had no weapons, no men, and no resources. Staying would only mean capture.”
The brothers fled to Ramadi, where tribal leaders offered them refuge, and from there, they attempted to seek asylum in Syria. After just two days, Syrian authorities sent them back to Iraq.
Back in Baghdad, Mustafa and Khalid Najm, Iraq’s last intelligence chief, stayed with a university friend, Dr. Hafidh Al-Dulaimi. While there, Al-Dulaimi’s nephew suggested surrendering to Ahmed Chalabi’s forces, but Mustafa refused.
Shortly after, armed men stormed the house. “They came with tanks and masks,” Mustafa recalled. He and Najm were arrested on April 21, 2003—a day he will never forget.
Mustafa shared his experiences in US detention after his capture. “The interrogations were relentless, often involving psychological and physical pressure,” he added.
“They focused on weapons of mass destruction—’did Iraq have them, and where were they?’ Everyone faced the same questions. They also asked about US pilot Michael Scott Speicher, whose plane was shot down during the Gulf War. Though his remains were later found, the Americans kept questioning us, believing more was being hidden.”
Life in the detention center was highly controlled. Detainees were grouped in blocks of seven and given 30 minutes of outdoor time. Sultan recalled a chilling moment when Ahmed Hussein, Saddam’s office chief, told him during exercise: “The president has been captured.”
“We had clung to hope that Saddam’s freedom could lead to Iraq’s liberation,” Mustafa said. “His arrest shattered that hope and signaled the occupation’s permanence.”
He also described mysterious construction in the prison. “We saw carpenters working constantly. Eventually, they built a wooden barrier, blocking the corridor from view. We could only guess what it was for.”
When asked if Saddam had led the resistance before his capture, Mustafa confirmed: “Yes, the resistance began after the war. It wasn’t planned in advance because, at that time, the focus was purely military—army against army.”
“After the occupation, a new phase started. Battles unfolded in stages, and Saddam was leading the resistance during this one. He was the hope of the resistance, of the Iraqi people, and of Arabs and Muslims,” Mustafa revealed.
His remarks offer a glimpse into the post-invasion dynamics and the symbolic role Saddam played during Iraq’s turbulent transition.
Mustafa also recounted the difficulty of reaching his family after his arrest.
“After my capture, I lost all contact with my family. I didn’t have any phone numbers for my brothers, friends, or colleagues. Even if I had, phone lines had been disrupted—many exchanges had been bombed, and communication in Iraq was severely impacted,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.
Mustafa recalled an encounter with the International Red Cross during his detention.
“The Red Cross offered me the chance to write a message to my family, as is their usual practice. But I was at a loss—who could I write to? I had no idea where my brothers or family were. I didn’t know anything about their whereabouts.”
Then, Mustafa had an idea. “I thought of Ammo Baba, a well-known football coach in Iraq. I didn’t know his address, but I remembered the address of the Police Club, where I had been president. I decided to write the letter there, addressed to Ammo Baba, asking him to pass it on to my family.”
Mustafa’s story highlights the communication challenges and isolation faced by detainees during the Iraq War.
He then described the prolonged separation from his family following his arrest. “I had no hopes of hearing from my family when I sent my letter through Ammo Baba,” Mustafa said.
“The situation was too difficult. After two and a half to three months, I received a response from Ammo Baba. He sent his regards, inquired about my health, and included a message from Yassin, a coach who worked with me. Along with the letter, they sent me sportswear—a shirt and shorts.”
Mustafa’s communication with his family may have been limited, but the letter served as a lifeline.
“A couple of years later, I received the first message from my wife, Hala, after two years in detention.”
When asked if he had been separated from his family for 18 years, Mustafa confirmed: “Yes, I hadn’t seen them or my children for 18 and a half years.”
“There were no visits or conversations, except for a brief period when we were held by the Americans. During that time, they allowed us five minutes a week to speak with our families. I would split the time—two and a half minutes with my mother and siblings, and the rest with my wife and daughters,” he said.
However, he revealed that after 2010, communication was cut off entirely.
“When we were transferred to Iraqi custody, they stopped allowing any contact. I was careful not to make calls with the Iraqis, as I feared enemies or foreign agents could record them,” explained Mustafa.
Mustafa’s story underscores the isolation he endured and the limited means of contact with his loved ones during years of detention.