Will Damascus Undermine Tehran’s Mediterranean Dream?

Iran wants to keep the Syrian government at its mercy.

Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian (L) greets his Syrian counterpart Faisal Mekdad (R) in Tehran, Iran, 02 November 2022. (EPA)
Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian (L) greets his Syrian counterpart Faisal Mekdad (R) in Tehran, Iran, 02 November 2022. (EPA)
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Will Damascus Undermine Tehran’s Mediterranean Dream?

Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian (L) greets his Syrian counterpart Faisal Mekdad (R) in Tehran, Iran, 02 November 2022. (EPA)
Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian (L) greets his Syrian counterpart Faisal Mekdad (R) in Tehran, Iran, 02 November 2022. (EPA)

Relations between Syria and Iran appear to have weakened amid reports that Tehran has been stalling in helping out its ally out of its unprecedented months-long fuel crisis.

The “strategic” relations between Damascus and Tehran appear to have also taken a hit through the launch of normalization talks between Syria and Türkiye from which Iran has been excluded.

Moreover, reports have said that the Syrian government has been shifting towards the Arab fold to help it end its crisis and isolation, a sign that it is moving farther away from Iran.

Asharq Al-Awsat has learned that Damascus is currently working on consolidating its control over sections of the Tehran-Baghdad-Damascus-Beirut route. The route is controlled by pro-Iran militias, but the regime’s attempts to seize control of some parts of the road are signs that it is undermining Tehran’s efforts to expand to the Mediterranean - a dream it has always longed for.

The route begins in Tehran, passes through the Iraqi capital Baghdad, stretches to more Iraqi territories, such as Ramadi and al-Qaim, before entering Syria in Alboukamal city and moving northwest towards al-Mayadeen city and then Deir Ezzor.

There, it branches out into two roads, one that heads further northwest towards Aleppo and then Latakia city that overlooks the Mediterranean. The second road moves to the southwest towards the eastern Badia (desert), reaches Palmyra where it again branches out into two.

The first road leads to the central Homs city, while the second leads to the al-Qalamoun region in the eastern Damascus countryside before stretching to the Syrian capital itself. In the capital, the route connects to international highways that lead to Lebanon and southern Syria.

‘Iran’s highway’

Iranian forces and its militias in Syria claimed control of the route when the al-Qaim-Alboukamal border crossing between Iraq and Syria reopened over three years ago. The crossing is strategically important for Iran because it provides it with a land link to Hezbollah, its militia in Lebanon.

It is also an important trade route that links it to Damascus, the Syrian coast and northern Lebanon. So important is the route to Iran that it has been called “the resistance axis highway” and “Iran’s highway to the Mediterranean.”.

Asharq Al-Awsat has learned, however, that regime security agencies in Deir Ezzor and its countryside, Alboukamal and al-Mayadeen – where Iranian forces and militias are heavily deployed – have received orders to stop granting Iranians permits to own land and properties in these regions. They have been also ordered to reclaim government buildings that are being used as headquarters by the Iranian forces and militias. Moreover, they have been ordered to closely inspect purchases by Iranian officials and militias of civilian property.

These orders have also been carried out in the Homs province and its countryside.

Syria and Iran had established their “strategic” relationship in 1979. It started to show strain in December in wake of the latest fuel crisis to hit regions held by the Syrian government.

Throughout the eleven-year conflict in Syria, Iran has provided Damascus with thousands of fighters, weapons and ammunition to use against the opposition. It also offered it with credit lines to buy food and oil derivatives and ships loaded with fuel to address any shortage.

However, Iran failed to send any oil to its ally with the eruption of the latest crippling shortage that has paralyzed government-held regions and caused prices to skyrocket. Tehran’s failure to come to Damascus’ aid has raised suspicions that relations have become strained. The postponement of a visit to Damascus by Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in late December has done little to ease these suspicions.

Asharq Al-Awsat had previously reported that Syrian authorities were surprised that Raisi was preparing to visit Damascus. They learned of the plan when Tehran made demands and draft agreements that cover Iran’s desire to entrench itself militarily in the region and grant it access to the Mediterranean. It also demanded sovereign financial concessions related to Syrian oil, gas and phosphates fields and projects and telecommunications. It also demanded that Iranians receive equal privileges as Syrian citizens in Syria.

Exploitation

A source following the development of Syrian-Iranian relations described as “exploitation” the demands that Iran has made of Syria.

“They can’t be described as anything less than that,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Iran’s behavior is comparable to that of western countries that Damascus views as its enemy. The similarities were definitely not lost on Damascus,” he remarked.

Furthermore, he said Iran did not help Syria throughout the conflict for the sake of helping it, “rather it was seeking a foothold in the Arab world through Iraq and Syria. It also wants to reach the Mediterranean, which is why it seized control of the Tehran-Beirut route that stretches through Syria.”

The source noted that more and more signs are emerging that Arab countries were seeking to normalize ties with Damascus to attract it back to the Arab fold. Damascus seems receptive to the idea, but how will Iran react?

Iran has made sizeable investments in Syria, stressed the source. Will it stand idly by and watch developments unfold? Will it allow Damascus to move ahead in its new direction?

Marginalization

Even though Iran is one of the three guarantors of the Astana process on Syria, it has notably been absent from the normalization talks between Ankara and Damascus that have been sponsored by Moscow. Russia and Türkiye are the two other guarantors.

Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian had paid a visit to Damascus on January 14 and later headed to Ankara on January 17.

Abdollahian’s senior advisor on special political affairs Ali Asghar Khaji had stated during the visits that Iran was “annoyed” that it was excluded from normalization talks between Ankara and Damascus.

“Syrian issues cannot be easily resolved without Iran,” he stressed.

He also said that Abdollahian had spoken to Syrian authorities about the issue, stressing that the Astana process must continue.



On Lebanon Border, Israel and Hezbollah’s Deadly Game of Patience

Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)
Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)
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On Lebanon Border, Israel and Hezbollah’s Deadly Game of Patience

Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)
Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)

In deserted villages and communities near the southern Lebanon border, Israeli troops and Hezbollah fighters have watched each other for months, shifting and adapting in a battle for the upper hand while they wait to see if a full scale war will come.

Ever since the start of the Gaza war last October, the two sides have exchanged daily barrages of rockets, artillery, missile fire and air strikes in a standoff that has just stopped short of full-scale war.

Tens of thousands have been evacuated from both sides of the border, and hopes that children may be able to return for the start of the new school year in September appear to have been dashed following an announcement by Israeli Education Minister Yoav Kisch on Tuesday that conditions would not allow it.

"The war is almost the same for the past nine months," Lieutenant Colonel Dotan, an Israeli officer, who could only be identified by his first name. "We have good days of hitting Hezbollah and bad days where they hit us. It's almost the same, all year, all the nine months."

As the summer approaches its peak, the smoke trails of drones and rockets in the sky have become a daily sight, with missiles regularly setting off brush fires in the thickly wooded hills along the border.

Israeli strikes have killed nearly 350 Hezbollah fighters in Lebanon and more than 100 civilians, including medics, children and journalists, while 10 Israeli civilians, a foreign agricultural worker and 20 Israeli soldiers have been killed.

Even so, as the cross border firing has continued, Israeli forces have been training for a possible offensive in Lebanon which would dramatically increase the risk of a wider regional war, potentially involving Iran and the United States.

That risk was underlined at the weekend when the Yemen-based Houthis, a militia which like Hezbollah is backed by Iran, sent a drone to Tel Aviv where it caused a blast that killed a man and prompted Israel to launch a retaliatory raid the next day.

Standing in his home kibbutz of Eilon, where only about 150 farmers and security guards remain from a normal population of 1,100, Lt. Colonet Dotan said the two sides have been testing each other for months, in a constantly evolving tactical battle.

"This war taught us patience," said Dotan. "In the Middle East, you need patience."

He said Israeli troops had seen an increasing use of Iranian drones, of a type frequently seen in Ukraine, as well as Russian-made Kornet anti tank missiles which were increasingly targeting houses as Israeli tank forces adapted their own tactics in response.

"Hezbollah is a fast-learning organization and they understood that UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) are the next big thing and so they went and bought and got trained in UAVs," he said.

Israel had responded by adapting its Iron Dome air defense system and focusing its own operations on weakening Hezbollah's organizational structure by attacking its experienced commanders, such as Ali Jaafar Maatuk, a field commander in the elite Radwan forces unit who was killed last week.

"So that's another weak point we found. We target them and we look for them on a daily basis," he said.

Even so, as the months have passed, the wait has not been easy for Israeli troops brought up in a doctrine of maneuver and rapid offensive operations.

"When you're on defense, you can't defeat the enemy. We understand that, we have no expectations," he said, "So we have to wait. It's a patience game."