Will Damascus Undermine Tehran’s Mediterranean Dream?

Iran wants to keep the Syrian government at its mercy.

Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian (L) greets his Syrian counterpart Faisal Mekdad (R) in Tehran, Iran, 02 November 2022. (EPA)
Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian (L) greets his Syrian counterpart Faisal Mekdad (R) in Tehran, Iran, 02 November 2022. (EPA)
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Will Damascus Undermine Tehran’s Mediterranean Dream?

Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian (L) greets his Syrian counterpart Faisal Mekdad (R) in Tehran, Iran, 02 November 2022. (EPA)
Iranian foreign minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian (L) greets his Syrian counterpart Faisal Mekdad (R) in Tehran, Iran, 02 November 2022. (EPA)

Relations between Syria and Iran appear to have weakened amid reports that Tehran has been stalling in helping out its ally out of its unprecedented months-long fuel crisis.

The “strategic” relations between Damascus and Tehran appear to have also taken a hit through the launch of normalization talks between Syria and Türkiye from which Iran has been excluded.

Moreover, reports have said that the Syrian government has been shifting towards the Arab fold to help it end its crisis and isolation, a sign that it is moving farther away from Iran.

Asharq Al-Awsat has learned that Damascus is currently working on consolidating its control over sections of the Tehran-Baghdad-Damascus-Beirut route. The route is controlled by pro-Iran militias, but the regime’s attempts to seize control of some parts of the road are signs that it is undermining Tehran’s efforts to expand to the Mediterranean - a dream it has always longed for.

The route begins in Tehran, passes through the Iraqi capital Baghdad, stretches to more Iraqi territories, such as Ramadi and al-Qaim, before entering Syria in Alboukamal city and moving northwest towards al-Mayadeen city and then Deir Ezzor.

There, it branches out into two roads, one that heads further northwest towards Aleppo and then Latakia city that overlooks the Mediterranean. The second road moves to the southwest towards the eastern Badia (desert), reaches Palmyra where it again branches out into two.

The first road leads to the central Homs city, while the second leads to the al-Qalamoun region in the eastern Damascus countryside before stretching to the Syrian capital itself. In the capital, the route connects to international highways that lead to Lebanon and southern Syria.

‘Iran’s highway’

Iranian forces and its militias in Syria claimed control of the route when the al-Qaim-Alboukamal border crossing between Iraq and Syria reopened over three years ago. The crossing is strategically important for Iran because it provides it with a land link to Hezbollah, its militia in Lebanon.

It is also an important trade route that links it to Damascus, the Syrian coast and northern Lebanon. So important is the route to Iran that it has been called “the resistance axis highway” and “Iran’s highway to the Mediterranean.”.

Asharq Al-Awsat has learned, however, that regime security agencies in Deir Ezzor and its countryside, Alboukamal and al-Mayadeen – where Iranian forces and militias are heavily deployed – have received orders to stop granting Iranians permits to own land and properties in these regions. They have been also ordered to reclaim government buildings that are being used as headquarters by the Iranian forces and militias. Moreover, they have been ordered to closely inspect purchases by Iranian officials and militias of civilian property.

These orders have also been carried out in the Homs province and its countryside.

Syria and Iran had established their “strategic” relationship in 1979. It started to show strain in December in wake of the latest fuel crisis to hit regions held by the Syrian government.

Throughout the eleven-year conflict in Syria, Iran has provided Damascus with thousands of fighters, weapons and ammunition to use against the opposition. It also offered it with credit lines to buy food and oil derivatives and ships loaded with fuel to address any shortage.

However, Iran failed to send any oil to its ally with the eruption of the latest crippling shortage that has paralyzed government-held regions and caused prices to skyrocket. Tehran’s failure to come to Damascus’ aid has raised suspicions that relations have become strained. The postponement of a visit to Damascus by Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in late December has done little to ease these suspicions.

Asharq Al-Awsat had previously reported that Syrian authorities were surprised that Raisi was preparing to visit Damascus. They learned of the plan when Tehran made demands and draft agreements that cover Iran’s desire to entrench itself militarily in the region and grant it access to the Mediterranean. It also demanded sovereign financial concessions related to Syrian oil, gas and phosphates fields and projects and telecommunications. It also demanded that Iranians receive equal privileges as Syrian citizens in Syria.

Exploitation

A source following the development of Syrian-Iranian relations described as “exploitation” the demands that Iran has made of Syria.

“They can’t be described as anything less than that,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Iran’s behavior is comparable to that of western countries that Damascus views as its enemy. The similarities were definitely not lost on Damascus,” he remarked.

Furthermore, he said Iran did not help Syria throughout the conflict for the sake of helping it, “rather it was seeking a foothold in the Arab world through Iraq and Syria. It also wants to reach the Mediterranean, which is why it seized control of the Tehran-Beirut route that stretches through Syria.”

The source noted that more and more signs are emerging that Arab countries were seeking to normalize ties with Damascus to attract it back to the Arab fold. Damascus seems receptive to the idea, but how will Iran react?

Iran has made sizeable investments in Syria, stressed the source. Will it stand idly by and watch developments unfold? Will it allow Damascus to move ahead in its new direction?

Marginalization

Even though Iran is one of the three guarantors of the Astana process on Syria, it has notably been absent from the normalization talks between Ankara and Damascus that have been sponsored by Moscow. Russia and Türkiye are the two other guarantors.

Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir-Abdollahian had paid a visit to Damascus on January 14 and later headed to Ankara on January 17.

Abdollahian’s senior advisor on special political affairs Ali Asghar Khaji had stated during the visits that Iran was “annoyed” that it was excluded from normalization talks between Ankara and Damascus.

“Syrian issues cannot be easily resolved without Iran,” he stressed.

He also said that Abdollahian had spoken to Syrian authorities about the issue, stressing that the Astana process must continue.



Biden’s Legacy: Far-Reaching Accomplishments That Didn’t Translate into Political Support

US President Joe Biden waves while boarding Air Force One at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on November 1, 2022. (AFP)
US President Joe Biden waves while boarding Air Force One at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on November 1, 2022. (AFP)
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Biden’s Legacy: Far-Reaching Accomplishments That Didn’t Translate into Political Support

US President Joe Biden waves while boarding Air Force One at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on November 1, 2022. (AFP)
US President Joe Biden waves while boarding Air Force One at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on November 1, 2022. (AFP)

Sitting in the Oval Office behind the iconic Resolute desk in 2022, an animated President Joe Biden described the challenge of leading a psychologically traumatized nation.

The United States had endured a life-altering pandemic. There was a jarring burst of inflation and now global conflict with Russia invading Ukraine, as well as the persistent threat to democracy he felt Donald Trump posed.

How could Biden possibly heal that collective trauma?

“Be confident,” he said emphatically in an interview with The Associated Press. “Be confident. Because I am confident.”

But in the ensuing two years, the confidence Biden hoped to instill steadily waned. And when the 81-year-old Democratic president showed his age in a disastrous debate in June against Trump, he lost the benefit of the doubt as well. That triggered a series of events that led him Sunday to step down as his party's nominee for the November's election.

Democrats, who had been united in their resolve to prevent another Trump term, suddenly fractured. And Republicans, beset by chaos in Congress and the former president’s criminal conviction, improbably coalesced in defiant unity.

Biden never figured out how to inspire the world’s most powerful country to believe in itself, let alone in him.

He lost the confidence of supporters in the 90-minute debate with Trump, even if pride initially prompted him to override the fears of lawmakers, party elders and donors who were nudging him to drop out. Then Trump survived an assassination attempt in Pennsylvania and, as if on cue, pumped his fist in strength. Biden, while campaigning in Las Vegas, tested positive for the coronavirus Wednesday and retreated to his Delaware beach home to recover.

The events over the course of three weeks led to an exit Biden never wanted, but one that Democrats felt they needed to maximize their chance of winning in November’s elections.

Biden seems to have badly misread the breadth of his support. While many Democrats had deep admiration for the president personally, they did not have the same affection for him politically.

Rice University historian Douglas Brinkley said Biden arrived as a reprieve from a nation exhausted by Trump and the pandemic, reported The Associated Press.

“He was a perfect person for that moment,” said Brinkley, noting Biden proved in era of polarization that bipartisan lawmaking was still possible.

Yet, there was never a “Joe Biden Democrat” like there was a “Reagan Republican.” He did not have adoring, movement-style followers as did Barack Obama or John F. Kennedy. He was not a generational candidate like Bill Clinton. The only barrier-breaking dimension to his election was the fact that he was the oldest person ever elected president.

His first run for the White House, in the 1988 cycle, ended with self-inflicted wounds stemming from plagiarism, and he didn’t make it to the first nominating contest. In 2008, he dropped out after the Iowa caucuses, where he won less than 1% of the vote.

In 2016, Obama counseled his vice president not to run. A Biden victory in 2020 seemed implausible, when he finished fourth in Iowa and fifth in New Hampshire before a dramatic rebound in South Carolina that propelled him to the nomination and the White House.

David Axelrod, a former senior adviser to Obama who also worked closely with Biden, said that history would treat Biden kinder than voters had, not just because of his legislative achievements but because in 2020 he defeated Trump.

“His legacy is significant beyond all his many accomplishments,” Axelrod said. “He will always be the man who stepped up and defeated a president who placed himself above our democracy."

But Biden could not avoid his age. And when he showed frailty in his steps and his speech, there was no foundation of supporters that could stand by him to stop calls for him to step aside.

It was a humbling end to a half-century career in politics, yet hardly reflective of the full legacy of his time in the White House.

In March of 2021, Biden launched $1.9 trillion in pandemic aid, creating a series of new programs that temporarily halved child poverty, halted evictions and contributed to the addition of 15.7 million jobs. But inflation began to rise shortly thereafter as Biden’s approval rating as measured by the AP-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research fell from 61% to 39% as of June.

He followed up with a series of executive actions to unsnarl global supply chains and a $1 trillion bipartisan infrastructure package that not only replaced aging infrastructure but improved internet access and prepared communities to withstand the damages from climate change.

In 2022, Biden and his fellow Democrats followed up with two measures that reinvigorated the future of US manufacturing.

The CHIPS and Science Act provided $52 billion to build factories and create institutions to make computer chips domestically, ensuring that the US would have access to the most advanced semiconductors needed to power economic growth and maintain national security. There was also the Inflation Reduction Act, which provided incentives to shift away from fossil fuels and enabled Medicare to negotiate drug prices.

Biden also sought to compete more aggressively with China, rebuild alliances such as NATO and completed the US withdrawal from Afghanistan that resulted in the death of 13 US service members.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 worsened inflation as Trump and other Republicans questioned the value of military aid to the Ukrainians.

Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023 attack in Israel sparked a war that showed divisions within the Democratic party about whether the United States should continue to support Israel as tens of thousands of Palestinians died in months of counterattacks. The president was also criticized over illegal border crossings at the southern border with Mexico.

Yet it was the size of the stakes and the fear of a Biden loss that prevailed, resulting in a bet by Democrats that the tasks he began could best be completed by a younger generation.

“History will be kinder to him than voters were at the end,” Axelrod said.