Princess Jawaher Al Saud to Asharq Al-Awsat: Small Saudi Emirate Shook Pillars of Ottoman Empire

Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
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Princess Jawaher Al Saud to Asharq Al-Awsat: Small Saudi Emirate Shook Pillars of Ottoman Empire

Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.

A Saudi researcher specialized in the Kingdom’s history referred to documents dating back to the Ottoman era, as well as British records, and contemporary local writings, to confirm that the First Saudi State, which was established by Imam Mohammad bin Saud, was a source of concern for the great powers in the region.

Saudi Arabia’s Founding Day, which falls on Feb. 22, celebrates Saudi heritage and history. On this occasion, Dr. Princess Jawaher bint Abdul Mohsen bin Abdullah bin Jalawi Al Saud unveiled, in an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat that the power of the Saudi state allowed it to spread the highest levels of terror and panic among the Turkish pashas all over Asia, reaching the Sultan in Constantinople.

The researcher also said the British government did not ignore the strong Saudi presence, especially after it reached its areas of influence. Therefore, the British were cautious in their movements and used diplomacy in their dealings with Imam Saud bin Abdulaziz.

According to foreign documents revealed by the princess, the founder of the First Saudi State and the first Saudi king, acknowledged the importance of imposing a system that would rely on the management of a ruler, who would be capable of taking firm decisions that would provide security and stability for the region.

The documents of the Ottoman archives confirmed the Ottomans’ efforts to wage war against the Saudi state, which started to constitute a threat to the continued existence of an empire. The reaction of the sultans of the Osman family was not limited to the successive military campaigns, which reflected their political, military and material weight, but included a propaganda war to distort the idea and goal of that young state that emerged from central Najd.

Thus, many accusations and rumors were spread against the Saudi emir and his people, calling them Kharijites and Wahhabis. This was confirmed by British documents that indicated that they “were called Wahhabis by the Ottomans, while if one of the followers of the Saudi imam was asked: Are you a Wahhabi? He will not understand what this word means.”

The Saudi researcher said that orientalists, writers, and historians, whether Arabs or Westerners, were right when they took the term “Wahhabis" from the Ottomans to refer to the Saudis. But they failed to exert enough effort in research and investigation.

Contemporary local documents of that era revealed the true name of this young country, whose goals preoccupied the great powers in the region.

Historian Hamad bin Laboun, who died after 1257 AH - 1842 AD, called it in his book (Nasab Al Saud): “The Hanafi Saudi State.” That is, he attributed the state to the Saudi family of Bani Hanifa.

Some contemporary local narratives of the first Saudi era also mentioned the name “the Saudi sect,” or the name “Saudis,” and many others. Thus, it would be wrong to associate the name of the Saudis or the Saudis with the year 1351 AH - 1932 AD, as we have been Saudis for 300 years, Princess Jawaher told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Arab force to expel the Ottoman invader

Referring to the Ottoman documents, the Saudi researcher said the Sultan of the Osman family was unaware that he was dealing with a free Arab force that aims to unite the Arabs of the peninsula, expel foreign colonialism, and establish a unified entity that aspires for security, stability, and progress.

Ottoman documents revealed that Imam Abdul Aziz bin Mohammad’s assumption of power in the year 1179 AH - 1765 AD was a radical turning point in the foreign policy of the First Saudi State. His armies were moving in all directions at the same time, heading west towards the Two Holy Mosques, and east towards the Arabian Gulf and the Ottoman states in Iraq, north towards the Levant, and south towards Yemen and Oman.

Frequent letters from the Ottoman Arab provinces to the Ottoman sultan talked about the danger coming from the center of Najd. Tribes, cities and villages vowed allegiance to the Saudi imam, which made the Ottoman state lose much of the support it enjoyed in that region.

According to Princess Jawaher, the Ottoman documents confirmed that the Saudi imam extended his authority from Baghdad to Muscat, and from Yemen to the Levant and Aleppo. Thus, the Ottoman Empire faced a real challenge that shook its Islamic and international standing.

Ottoman failure against the Saudis

The Saudi researcher told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Ottoman sultan realized the failure of the governors of Baghdad in confronting the striking force of the Saudi imam. Nonetheless, he continued to insist on the need to eliminate Diriyah at any cost and by any means. But the responses of his governors brought him disappointment.

As for the governors of the Levant, they were not better off than those of Baghdad. They confronted the Sultan, saying that they could not face the Saudi imam. This prompted him to expel a number of governors, who failed to fulfil his wish to eliminate the Saudi power, including Youssef Pasha, Ahmed Jazzar Pasha, Salih Bey, Abdullah Pasha Al-Azem, and Kunj Youssef Pasha.

Princess Jawaher pointed to a letter written by the Ottoman sultan himself, commenting on one of the messages that he had received from Sharif Ghalib, the Sharif of Makkah, in the year 1218 AH - 1803 AD. The letter highlighted the extent of the terror that gripped the sultan.

The following is an unofficial translation of the sultan’s words: “God forbid, I could not bear to read these papers coming to me. How can such a thing happen? A way must be found to save the Two Sanctuaries. I do not sleep at night thinking about this matter, and this matter is not like other things. Help me, O God.”

The Saudi researcher recounted that the sultan became aware of the reversal of the balance of power, and that the Saudi imam would not stop until he successively rid the Arab countries of Ottoman rule and bring them under his authority with the aim of forming a free Arab empire.

A British document confirmed the power of the Saudi state and the terror it struck in the hearts of the Ottomans and Turkish pashas.

It read: “…government of this singular people, who, from very slight and feeble origin, had at one time, arrived at such degree of power, as to cause the most serious alarm both to the Turkish pashas throughout all Asia, as well as their master the sultan at Constantinople…”

Saudi presence reaches areas of British influence

Princess Jawaher said the British government did not overlook the Saudi presence, especially after it expanded to its areas of influence. At first, it provided military support to its allies, but then realized the extent of Saudi superiority.

Consequently, the historian recounted that the British government refused to engage in a direct military confrontation with the Saudis, and recommended its allies to accept Saudi influence as long as it remained within the limits of preserving security and saving the British image.

Encyclopedia of Saudi history

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Princess Jawaher about her most important achievements in her long journey of historical research and studies.

She replied: “Specialists in the field of research and historical studies are aware of the importance of documents, including official correspondence, reports, notes, decisions, strategies, political plans and intelligence information, which are the most important source of history.”

“In order to present a serious study, it is necessary to rely on documents, and therefore the issue is not a matter of collecting, but rather a matter of searching for information, which is a tedious process that requires patience and perseverance, because the researcher faces a huge amount of documents kept in records that take a long time to view, retrieve and translate,” she remarked.

She told Asharq Al-Awsat that she was working on a documentary study of eight volumes that will reveal unprecedented, interesting and surprising information on Saudi Arabia’s history, based on thousands of Arabic, Ottoman, British and French documents.



What Would Lifting US Sanctions on Syria Mean to the War-Torn Country?

People walk past a billboard displaying Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and US President Donald Trump with a slogan thanking Saudi Arabia and the United States, in Damascus on May 14, 2025. (AFP)
People walk past a billboard displaying Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and US President Donald Trump with a slogan thanking Saudi Arabia and the United States, in Damascus on May 14, 2025. (AFP)
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What Would Lifting US Sanctions on Syria Mean to the War-Torn Country?

People walk past a billboard displaying Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and US President Donald Trump with a slogan thanking Saudi Arabia and the United States, in Damascus on May 14, 2025. (AFP)
People walk past a billboard displaying Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and US President Donald Trump with a slogan thanking Saudi Arabia and the United States, in Damascus on May 14, 2025. (AFP)

President Donald Trump’s announcement that the US will ease sanctions on Syria could eventually facilitate the country’s recovery from years of civil war and transform the lives of everyday Syrians.

But experts say it will take time, and the process for lifting the sanctions — some of which were first introduced 47 years ago — is unclear.

“I think people view sanctions as a switch that you turn on and off,” said Karam Shaar, a Syrian economist who runs the consultancy firm Karam Shaar Advisory Limited. “Far from it.”

Still, the move could bring much-needed investment to the country, which is emerging from decades of autocratic rule by the Assad family as well as the war. It needs tens of billions of dollars to restore its battered infrastructure and pull an estimated 90% of the population out of poverty.

And Trump’s pledge has already had an effect: Syrians celebrated in streets across the country, and Arab leaders in neighboring nations that host millions of refugees who fled Syria’s war praised the announcement.

What are the US sanctions on Syria? Washington has imposed three sanctions programs on Syria. In 1979, the country was designated a “state sponsor of terrorism” because its military was involved in neighboring Lebanon's civil war and had backed armed groups there, and eventually developed strong ties with the Iran-backed Hezbollah group.

In 2003, then-President George W. Bush signed the Syria Accountability Act into law, as his administration faced off with Iran and Tehran-backed governments and groups in the Middle East. The legislation focused heavily on Syria's support of designated terror groups, its military presence in Lebanon, its alleged development of weapons of mass destruction, as well as oil smuggling and the backing of armed groups in Iraq after the US-led invasion.

In 2019, during Trump's first term, he signed the Caesar Act, sanctioning Syrian troops and others responsible for atrocities committed during the civil war.

Caesar is the code name for a Syrian photographer who took thousands of photographs of victims of torture and other abuses and smuggled them out of the country. The images, taken between 2011 and 2013, were turned over to human rights advocates, exposing the scale of the Syrian government’s brutal crackdown on political opponents and dissidents during countrywide protests.

What has been the impact of US sanctions on Syria? The sanctions — along with similar measures by other countries — have touched every part of the Syrian economy and everyday life in the country.

They have led to shortages of goods from fuel to medicine, and made it difficult for humanitarian agencies responding to receive funding and operate fully.

Companies around the world struggle to export to Syria, and Syrians struggle to import goods of any kind because nearly all financial transactions with the country are banned. That has led to a blossoming black market of smuggled goods.

Simple tasks like updating smartphones are difficult, if not impossible, and many people resort to virtual private networks, or VPNs, which mask online activity, to access the internet because many websites block users with Syrian IP addresses.

The impact was especially stark after a devastating 7.8 magnitude earthquake hit Türkiye and northern Syria in February 2023, compounding the destruction and misery that the war had already brought.

Though the US Treasury issued a six-month exemption on all financial transactions related to disaster relief, the measures had limited effect since banks and companies were nervous to take the risk, a phenomenon known as over-compliance.

Interim Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa — who led the insurgency that ousted President Bashar al-Assad — has argued the sanctions have outlived their purpose and are now only harming the Syrian people and ultimately preventing the country from any prospect of recovery.

Trump and Sharaa met Wednesday.

Washington eased some restrictions temporarily in January but did not lift the sanctions. Britain and the European Union have eased some of their measures.

What could lifting the sanctions mean for Syria? After Trump’s announcement, Syria's currency gained 60% on Tuesday night — a signal of how transformational the removal of sanctions could be.

Still, it will take time to see any tangible impact on Syria's economy, experts say, but removing all three sanctions regimes could bring major changes to the lives of Syrians, given how all-encompassing the measures are.

It could mean banks could return to the international financial system or car repair shops could import spare parts from abroad. If the economy improves and reconstruction projects take off, many Syrian refugees who live in crowded tented encampments relying on aid to survive could decide to return home.

“If the situation stabilized and there were reforms, we will then see Syrians returning to their country if they were given opportunities as we expect,” says Lebanese economist Mounis Younes.

The easing of sanctions also has an important symbolic weight because it would signal that Syria is no longer a pariah, said Shaar.

Mathieu Rouquette, Mercy Corps’ country director for Syria, said the move “marks a potentially transformative moment for millions of Syrians who have endured more than 13 years of economic hardship, conflict, and displacement.”

But it all depends on how Washington goes about it.

“Unless enough layers of sanctions are peeled off, you cannot expect the positive impacts on Syria to start to appear,” said Shaar. “Even if you remove some of the top ones, the impact economically would still be nonexistent.”