Princess Jawaher Al Saud to Asharq Al-Awsat: Small Saudi Emirate Shook Pillars of Ottoman Empire

Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
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Princess Jawaher Al Saud to Asharq Al-Awsat: Small Saudi Emirate Shook Pillars of Ottoman Empire

Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.

A Saudi researcher specialized in the Kingdom’s history referred to documents dating back to the Ottoman era, as well as British records, and contemporary local writings, to confirm that the First Saudi State, which was established by Imam Mohammad bin Saud, was a source of concern for the great powers in the region.

Saudi Arabia’s Founding Day, which falls on Feb. 22, celebrates Saudi heritage and history. On this occasion, Dr. Princess Jawaher bint Abdul Mohsen bin Abdullah bin Jalawi Al Saud unveiled, in an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat that the power of the Saudi state allowed it to spread the highest levels of terror and panic among the Turkish pashas all over Asia, reaching the Sultan in Constantinople.

The researcher also said the British government did not ignore the strong Saudi presence, especially after it reached its areas of influence. Therefore, the British were cautious in their movements and used diplomacy in their dealings with Imam Saud bin Abdulaziz.

According to foreign documents revealed by the princess, the founder of the First Saudi State and the first Saudi king, acknowledged the importance of imposing a system that would rely on the management of a ruler, who would be capable of taking firm decisions that would provide security and stability for the region.

The documents of the Ottoman archives confirmed the Ottomans’ efforts to wage war against the Saudi state, which started to constitute a threat to the continued existence of an empire. The reaction of the sultans of the Osman family was not limited to the successive military campaigns, which reflected their political, military and material weight, but included a propaganda war to distort the idea and goal of that young state that emerged from central Najd.

Thus, many accusations and rumors were spread against the Saudi emir and his people, calling them Kharijites and Wahhabis. This was confirmed by British documents that indicated that they “were called Wahhabis by the Ottomans, while if one of the followers of the Saudi imam was asked: Are you a Wahhabi? He will not understand what this word means.”

The Saudi researcher said that orientalists, writers, and historians, whether Arabs or Westerners, were right when they took the term “Wahhabis" from the Ottomans to refer to the Saudis. But they failed to exert enough effort in research and investigation.

Contemporary local documents of that era revealed the true name of this young country, whose goals preoccupied the great powers in the region.

Historian Hamad bin Laboun, who died after 1257 AH - 1842 AD, called it in his book (Nasab Al Saud): “The Hanafi Saudi State.” That is, he attributed the state to the Saudi family of Bani Hanifa.

Some contemporary local narratives of the first Saudi era also mentioned the name “the Saudi sect,” or the name “Saudis,” and many others. Thus, it would be wrong to associate the name of the Saudis or the Saudis with the year 1351 AH - 1932 AD, as we have been Saudis for 300 years, Princess Jawaher told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Arab force to expel the Ottoman invader

Referring to the Ottoman documents, the Saudi researcher said the Sultan of the Osman family was unaware that he was dealing with a free Arab force that aims to unite the Arabs of the peninsula, expel foreign colonialism, and establish a unified entity that aspires for security, stability, and progress.

Ottoman documents revealed that Imam Abdul Aziz bin Mohammad’s assumption of power in the year 1179 AH - 1765 AD was a radical turning point in the foreign policy of the First Saudi State. His armies were moving in all directions at the same time, heading west towards the Two Holy Mosques, and east towards the Arabian Gulf and the Ottoman states in Iraq, north towards the Levant, and south towards Yemen and Oman.

Frequent letters from the Ottoman Arab provinces to the Ottoman sultan talked about the danger coming from the center of Najd. Tribes, cities and villages vowed allegiance to the Saudi imam, which made the Ottoman state lose much of the support it enjoyed in that region.

According to Princess Jawaher, the Ottoman documents confirmed that the Saudi imam extended his authority from Baghdad to Muscat, and from Yemen to the Levant and Aleppo. Thus, the Ottoman Empire faced a real challenge that shook its Islamic and international standing.

Ottoman failure against the Saudis

The Saudi researcher told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Ottoman sultan realized the failure of the governors of Baghdad in confronting the striking force of the Saudi imam. Nonetheless, he continued to insist on the need to eliminate Diriyah at any cost and by any means. But the responses of his governors brought him disappointment.

As for the governors of the Levant, they were not better off than those of Baghdad. They confronted the Sultan, saying that they could not face the Saudi imam. This prompted him to expel a number of governors, who failed to fulfil his wish to eliminate the Saudi power, including Youssef Pasha, Ahmed Jazzar Pasha, Salih Bey, Abdullah Pasha Al-Azem, and Kunj Youssef Pasha.

Princess Jawaher pointed to a letter written by the Ottoman sultan himself, commenting on one of the messages that he had received from Sharif Ghalib, the Sharif of Makkah, in the year 1218 AH - 1803 AD. The letter highlighted the extent of the terror that gripped the sultan.

The following is an unofficial translation of the sultan’s words: “God forbid, I could not bear to read these papers coming to me. How can such a thing happen? A way must be found to save the Two Sanctuaries. I do not sleep at night thinking about this matter, and this matter is not like other things. Help me, O God.”

The Saudi researcher recounted that the sultan became aware of the reversal of the balance of power, and that the Saudi imam would not stop until he successively rid the Arab countries of Ottoman rule and bring them under his authority with the aim of forming a free Arab empire.

A British document confirmed the power of the Saudi state and the terror it struck in the hearts of the Ottomans and Turkish pashas.

It read: “…government of this singular people, who, from very slight and feeble origin, had at one time, arrived at such degree of power, as to cause the most serious alarm both to the Turkish pashas throughout all Asia, as well as their master the sultan at Constantinople…”

Saudi presence reaches areas of British influence

Princess Jawaher said the British government did not overlook the Saudi presence, especially after it expanded to its areas of influence. At first, it provided military support to its allies, but then realized the extent of Saudi superiority.

Consequently, the historian recounted that the British government refused to engage in a direct military confrontation with the Saudis, and recommended its allies to accept Saudi influence as long as it remained within the limits of preserving security and saving the British image.

Encyclopedia of Saudi history

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Princess Jawaher about her most important achievements in her long journey of historical research and studies.

She replied: “Specialists in the field of research and historical studies are aware of the importance of documents, including official correspondence, reports, notes, decisions, strategies, political plans and intelligence information, which are the most important source of history.”

“In order to present a serious study, it is necessary to rely on documents, and therefore the issue is not a matter of collecting, but rather a matter of searching for information, which is a tedious process that requires patience and perseverance, because the researcher faces a huge amount of documents kept in records that take a long time to view, retrieve and translate,” she remarked.

She told Asharq Al-Awsat that she was working on a documentary study of eight volumes that will reveal unprecedented, interesting and surprising information on Saudi Arabia’s history, based on thousands of Arabic, Ottoman, British and French documents.



Hurdles Remain as Israel and Hamas Once Again Inch toward a Ceasefire Deal

 A tent camp for displaced Palestinians is set up amid destroyed buildings in the Khan Younis refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip, Saturday, Jan. 4, 2025. (AP)
A tent camp for displaced Palestinians is set up amid destroyed buildings in the Khan Younis refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip, Saturday, Jan. 4, 2025. (AP)
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Hurdles Remain as Israel and Hamas Once Again Inch toward a Ceasefire Deal

 A tent camp for displaced Palestinians is set up amid destroyed buildings in the Khan Younis refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip, Saturday, Jan. 4, 2025. (AP)
A tent camp for displaced Palestinians is set up amid destroyed buildings in the Khan Younis refugee camp, southern Gaza Strip, Saturday, Jan. 4, 2025. (AP)

Israel and Hamas once again appear to be inching toward a ceasefire that could wind down the 15-month war in Gaza and bring home dozens of Israelis held hostage there.

Both Israel and Hamas are under pressure from outgoing US President Joe Biden and President-elect Donald Trump to reach a deal before the Jan. 20 inauguration. But the sides have come close before, only to have talks collapse over various disagreements.

The latest round of negotiations has bogged down over the names of hostages to be released in a first phase, according to Israeli, Egyptian and Hamas officials, who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were discussing ongoing negotiations.

Israel wants assurances that the hostages are alive, while Hamas says that after months of heavy fighting, it isn't sure who is alive or dead.

Other hurdles remain.

The first phase, expected to last for six to eight weeks, would also include a halt in fighting, a release of Palestinian prisoners and a surge in aid to the besieged Gaza Strip, according to the officials. The last phase would include the release of any remaining hostages, an end to the war, and talks on reconstruction and who will govern Gaza going forward.

“If we don’t get it across the finish line in the next two weeks, I’m confident that it will get to completion at some point, hopefully sooner rather than later,” US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said in Seoul on Monday.

Here’s a closer look at the key issues holding up a deal:

The release of hostages from Gaza

During its Oct. 7, 2023, attack on southern Israel, Hamas and other groups killed some 1,200 people and took about 250 hostages into Gaza. A truce in November 2023 freed more than 100 hostages, while others have been rescued or their remains have been recovered over the past year.

Israel says about 100 hostages remain in Gaza — at least a third of whom it believes were killed during the Oct. 7 attack or died in captivity.

The first batch of hostages to be released is expected to be made up mostly of women, older people and people with medical conditions, according to the Israeli, Egyptian and Hamas officials.

On Monday, Hamas released a list of 34 names of hostages it said were slated for release. An Egyptian official confirmed the list had been the focus of recent discussions.

But Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office said the names were from a list Israel had submitted months ago. “As of now, Israel has not received any confirmation or comment by Hamas regarding the status of the hostages appearing on the list,” it said.

An Israeli official said the current impasse was due to Hamas' refusal to provide information on the conditions of the hostages, while another official said the departure of the head of the Mossad intelligence agency for negotiations in Qatar was on hold.

A Hamas official, meanwhile, said that “no one knows” the conditions of all of the hostages. Hamas officials have said that due to the war, they cannot provide a full accounting until there is a truce.

Since the war began, over 45,800 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, according to local health authorities, who say women and children make up more than half of those killed. They do not say how many of the dead were fighters.

Pausing the war or ending it?

Families of hostages reacted angrily to reports of the phased approach, saying the government should instead be pursuing a deal that releases all the captives at once. They say time is running out to bring people home safely.

“This morning, I and everyone in Israel woke up and discovered that the state of Israel has put together a Schindler's List — 34 people who will be able to hug their families again, and 66 others whose fate will be sealed,” said Yotam Cohen, whose brother Nimrod, an Israeli soldier held hostage, did not appear on the published list.

Netanyahu has said he supports a partial deal that pauses the war, but he has rejected Hamas' demands for a full Israeli withdrawal that would end the war. Netanyahu has vowed to continue fighting until he achieves “total victory” — including the destruction of Hamas' military capabilities.

Israel has inflicted heavy damage on Hamas. But the group continues to stage attacks in Gaza and to fire rockets into Israel. That could portend an open-ended war that could drag on for months or years.

The Hostages Forum, a grassroots group representing many hostage families, said it was time for a comprehensive deal.

“We know more than half are still alive and need immediate rehabilitation, while those who were murdered must be returned for proper burial,” it said. “We have no more time to waste. A hostage ceasefire agreement must be sealed now!”

The release of Palestinian prisoners in Israel

As part of the deal, Israel is expected to free hundreds of imprisoned Palestinians, including dozens who were convicted in bloody attacks.

Israel has a history of large-scale prisoner releases, and hundreds were freed in the November 2023 deal. But the sides have disagreed over the exact number and names of the prisoners to be freed. Hamas wants high-profile prisoners included. Israeli officials have ruled out the release of Marwan Barghouti, who tops Hamas' wish list.

Netanyahu's governing coalition includes hardliners who oppose such releases, with some even pledging to quit the government if too many concessions are made. They point to a 2011 prisoner release that included the former Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, a mastermind of the Oct. 7 attacks who was killed by Israel in October.

The war has displaced an estimated 90% of Gaza’s 2.3 million people, according to UN estimates, with the hard-hit northern sector of the territory largely emptied of its prewar population.

During the first phase of the developing deal, Israel is expected to withdraw troops from Palestinian population centers and allow some of the displaced to return home. But the extent of the pullback and the number of people allowed to return must still be worked out, the officials say.