Hezbollah Backs Suleiman Franjieh for Lebanon’s Presidency

In this file photo taken on October 31, 2016, Lebanese MP and presidential candidate Suleiman Franjieh leaves the parliament after a session to elect a new president in Beirut. (AFP)
In this file photo taken on October 31, 2016, Lebanese MP and presidential candidate Suleiman Franjieh leaves the parliament after a session to elect a new president in Beirut. (AFP)
TT
20

Hezbollah Backs Suleiman Franjieh for Lebanon’s Presidency

In this file photo taken on October 31, 2016, Lebanese MP and presidential candidate Suleiman Franjieh leaves the parliament after a session to elect a new president in Beirut. (AFP)
In this file photo taken on October 31, 2016, Lebanese MP and presidential candidate Suleiman Franjieh leaves the parliament after a session to elect a new president in Beirut. (AFP)

The Hezbollah party will back head of the Marada Movement Suleiman Franjieh to be the Lebanon’s president, the group's leader Hassan Nasrallah said on Monday, a move that gives him important backing but does not secure his election.

Lebanon has had no head of state since former president Michel Aoun's term ended at the end of October, deepening institutional paralysis in a country where one of the world's-worst economic crises has been festering for years.

"The natural candidate we support in the presidential elections is (former) minister Suleiman Frangieh," Nasrallah said.

Franjieh, 56, is heir to an old Lebanese political dynasty and a friend of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

His grandfather, of the same name, served as president from 1970 into Lebanon's 1975-90 civil war.

Franjieh has the support of parliament Speaker Nabih Berri's Amal Movement party but still falls short of the 65 votes required for him to be elected.

A close Hezbollah ally, he appeared close to becoming president in 2016, but Hezbollah's support went to Aoun - another of its Christian allies who now have a 20-member bloc in parliament but have opposed Franjieh’s election.

Franjieh’s candidacy is also opposed by the Lebanese Forces party led by Samir Geagea.

Franjieh’s parents and sister were killed by the Lebanese Forces militia in 1978 at their home in the north of the country.

Franjieh held Geagea - an LF commander at the time - responsible for the raid. Geagea has denied taking part, saying he was wounded before reaching the house.

In 2018, Maronite Patriarch Beshara al-Rahi oversaw reconciliation between the two.



Jordan Moves to Ban Muslim Brotherhood as ‘Illegal’ Group

Jordanian government spokesman Mohammad Momani announces details of terrorist cell arrests in Amman. (Petra)
Jordanian government spokesman Mohammad Momani announces details of terrorist cell arrests in Amman. (Petra)
TT
20

Jordan Moves to Ban Muslim Brotherhood as ‘Illegal’ Group

Jordanian government spokesman Mohammad Momani announces details of terrorist cell arrests in Amman. (Petra)
Jordanian government spokesman Mohammad Momani announces details of terrorist cell arrests in Amman. (Petra)

As the fallout continues from Jordan’s recent security crackdown on a militant cell accused of manufacturing missiles and drones, officials remain tight-lipped about why a court-banned branch of the Muslim Brotherhood continues to operate freely.

The group, declared illegal by a final court ruling in 2020, has maintained its political activities with apparent impunity—a contradiction analysts say points to selective enforcement of the law.

While Jordanian authorities have detained extremists over what was described as a “chaos plot,” they have avoided confronting the unlicensed movement. The Brotherhood’s continued presence, despite Article 159 of the penal code criminalizing illegal associations with potential jail sentences, has puzzled observers.

Analysts say the government’s “soft containment” approach reflects a broader political culture in Amman that avoids clashes with groups enjoying popular support, even if that means ignoring binding court decisions.

Critics argue the state’s flexibility towards the Brotherhood undermines legal consistency and raises questions about the rule of law, especially as other groups face swift and public consequences.

Jordan’s government appears to have taken a markedly tougher stance following the recent exposure of the militant cell allegedly backed by foreign actors and accused of planning attacks with home-built missiles and drones targeting domestic sites—not under the pretext of “supporting the resistance in Gaza”.

The discovery of the plot has prompted a reassessment within the country’s decision-making circles, which are now closely watching for verdicts from the State Security Court—the judicial body with jurisdiction over terrorism and national security cases.

While authorities have clamped down on the immediate threat, they have stopped short of confronting the unlicensed Muslim Brotherhood group and its political wing, the Islamic Action Front.

Analysts say officials are treading cautiously, wary of provoking parliamentary unrest or street mobilizations that the faction could spearhead if directly challenged.

The government’s current posture suggests a strategic pause—one that balances national security concerns with the potential political fallout of taking on a well-rooted opposition force.

Jordanian decision-makers, however, are stepping up preparations on multiple fronts as the country braces for a possible legal showdown with the Brotherhood.

Authorities are weighing the implications of formally designating the Brotherhood as an unlicensed entity, a move that would entail shutting down its activities, seizing its assets and properties, and treating any political statements or public events linked to its members as violations subject to prosecution under the penal code and counterterrorism laws.

Behind the scenes, government institutions are working to draw a legal and operational distinction between the Brotherhood and the Islamic Action Front, which remains registered under the country’s political parties law.

This delicate balancing act hinges on upcoming hearings at the State Security Court, expected to begin next week. However, officials fear that any legal escalation could spark backlash, including street protests or social media campaigns led by the Islamic Action Front.

Analysts say such a scenario could force authorities to take more decisive measures, including dissolving the party itself, in a bid to dismantle what critics view as a monopolized Islamist platform and reassert control over religious political representation in the kingdom.