Türkiye's Opposition Leader Looks to Emerge from Erdogan’s Shadow

This handout picture released by the Press Office of Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) shows Kemal Kilicdaroglu leader of the Republican People party CHP speaking after he was confirmed as the Turkish opposition's joint candidate to run against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Türkiye's presidential elections in May, in Ankara, on March 6, 2023. (Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)
This handout picture released by the Press Office of Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) shows Kemal Kilicdaroglu leader of the Republican People party CHP speaking after he was confirmed as the Turkish opposition's joint candidate to run against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Türkiye's presidential elections in May, in Ankara, on March 6, 2023. (Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)
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Türkiye's Opposition Leader Looks to Emerge from Erdogan’s Shadow

This handout picture released by the Press Office of Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) shows Kemal Kilicdaroglu leader of the Republican People party CHP speaking after he was confirmed as the Turkish opposition's joint candidate to run against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Türkiye's presidential elections in May, in Ankara, on March 6, 2023. (Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)
This handout picture released by the Press Office of Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) shows Kemal Kilicdaroglu leader of the Republican People party CHP speaking after he was confirmed as the Turkish opposition's joint candidate to run against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Türkiye's presidential elections in May, in Ankara, on March 6, 2023. (Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)

Stuck in Recep Tayyip Erdogan's shadow throughout his career, Turkish opposition leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu believes his time may have come after suffering repeated election defeats and scorn from the man who has dominated politics for two decades.

An opposition alliance on Monday named Kilicdaroglu, chairman of the Republican People's Party (CHP), its candidate to take on President Erdogan in May 14 elections that are seen as perhaps the most consequential in Türkiye's modern history.

His prospects may have been boosted by a last-minute deal to reunite an opposition bloc that had splintered on Friday over whether he should be the candidate.

After a 72-hour political drama, the six parties agreed that the popular mayors of Istanbul and Ankara would serve as his vice presidents should he overcome Erdogan.

Kilicdaroglu would also be capitalizing on the opposition's 2019 triumph when the CHP defeated Erdogan's ruling AK Party (AKP) in Istanbul and other big cities in local elections, thanks to support from other opposition parties.

A cost-of-living crisis amid rampant inflation and years of economic turmoil have eroded Erdogan's support, giving Kilicdaroglu another advantage.

"We will rule Türkiye with consultations and compromise," Kilicdaroglu told several thousand supporters cheering outside the headquarters of the Felicity Party, one of the six in the opposition bloc.

"We will establish the rule of morality and justice together," he said.

Kilicdaroglu's detractors say he lacks Erdogan's power to rally and capture audiences, and has no clear or convincing vision for what a post-Erdogan era looks like.

His backers underscore his reputation as an ethical bureaucrat, said Gonul Tol, head of the Türkiye program at Washington-based think-tank Middle East Institute said.

"He is not a corrupt man. He doesn't steal," she said.

"He wants to conclude his political career as the person who has resuscitated the Turkish democracy, that's why he is the right man."

Tight election

Polls suggest a tight presidential and parliamentary vote, which will decide not just who leads Türkiye but how it is governed, where its economy is headed and what role it may play to ease conflict in Ukraine and the Middle East.

Yet many wonder whether the earnest and sometimes feisty former civil servant can defeat Erdogan, the country's longest-serving leader, whose campaigning charisma has helped deliver more than a dozen election victories over two decades.

His nomination comes a month after two huge earthquakes left Türkiye's southeast in ruins, and unleashed a wave of criticism of government over the poor disaster response and years of subpar building standards.

Initial polls since the quakes had suggested that Erdogan was able to largely retain his support despite the disaster. But the emergence of a united opposition, even after a delay in picking its candidate, could prove a bigger challenge for the strongman, analysts say.

Entry into politics

Erdogan's unorthodox economic policies, including interest rate cuts when inflation soared above 85% last year, have strained households and sparked a series of currency crashes since 2018.

The hardship presents a historic opening for Kilicdaroglu, a former economist, to end Erdogan's reign that began when AKP first came to power in 2002.

In that election, he entered parliament for the center-left CHP, a party established by modern Türkiye's founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk which has struggled to reach beyond its secularist grassroots towards move conservative Turks.

He has spoken in recent years of a desire to heal old wounds with devout Muslims and Kurds, including groups in Diyarbakir that he met and acknowledged that CHP had upset in the past.

But Kilicdaroglu has struggled to maintain momentum. Recent polling showed Erdogan's support had edged up since last summer thanks to measures including a raise in the minimum wage.

Following the earthquake, Kilicdaroglu adopted a more combative tone that helped him consolidate his own base, researcher Nezih Onur Kuru said. But it prevented him from appealing to indecisive voters.

"In times of crisis, center and right-wing voters - which make up over 60% of the electorate - seek unifying and result-oriented messages from politicians. Kilicdaroglu did not do this," said Kuru, of research firm Toplumsal Etki Arastirmalari Merkezi (TEAM).

"That did not help the overall opposition."

Rise through the ranks

Kilicdaroglu rose to prominence as the CHP's anti-graft campaigner, appearing on TV to brandish dossiers against officials which led to high-profile resignations. In 2009 he lost an election as the CHP's Istanbul mayoral candidate.

The following year, he was elected unopposed as CHP leader after his predecessor's resignation in the wake of scandal.

At that party convention, a campaign song blasted across a packed hall describing him as "a clean and honest" man.

Wearing a striped shirt and a black blazer, Kilicdaroglu told cheering supporters: "We are coming to power. We are coming to protect the rights of the poor, the oppressed, the workers and laborers".

His election fueled party hopes of a new start, but support for CHP has since failed to surpass about 25%.

Still, Kilicdaroglu is viewed as having quietly reformed the party and sidelined hardcore "Kemalists" espousing a rigid version of the ideas of Ataturk, while promoting members seen as more closely aligned with European social democratic values.

Political commentator Murat Yetkin has said Kilicdaroglu has so far not been able to transform the CHP fully due to a "static political culture".

’Gandhi Kemal’

Before entering politics, Kilicdaroglu, 74, worked in the finance ministry and then chaired Türkiye's Social Insurance Institution for most of the 1990s. In speeches, Erdogan frequently disparages his performance in that role.

Born in the eastern Tunceli province, he is a civil servant's son and an Alevi, a group which makes up 15-20% of Türkiye's 85 million population and which follows a faith drawing on Shiiite Muslim, Sufi and Anatolian folk traditions.

Kilicdaroglu has acknowledged being Alevi but generally avoids the issue. Alevis' beliefs put them at odds with the country's Sunni Muslim majority.

Nicknamed by the Turkish media as "Gandhi Kemal" because of a passing resemblance with his slight, bespectacled appearance, he captured the public imagination in 2017 when he launched his 450 km "March for Justice" from Ankara to Istanbul over the arrest of a CHP deputy.

Kilcdaroglu orchestrated the CHP alliance with IYI and the Felicity Party in 2018 general elections, paving the way to the local election success the following year.

In Erdogan's first substantial blow as AKP leader, the CHP won mayoralties in Istanbul, Ankara and other cities thanks to the alliance and support of voters from a big pro-Kurdish party.

But Kilicdaroglu may struggle to replicate the 2019 victory on the national stage, where the CHP's previous election defeats loom large, said Emre Peker, Europe Director at Eurasia Group.

"Erdogan will paint Kilicdaroglu as a loser," he said.



On Lebanon Border, Israel and Hezbollah’s Deadly Game of Patience

Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)
Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)
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On Lebanon Border, Israel and Hezbollah’s Deadly Game of Patience

Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)
Smoke is seen as an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) is intercepted following its launch from Lebanon, amid cross-border hostilities between Hezbollah and Israeli forces, at Kibbutz Eilon in northern Israel, July 23, 2024. (Reuters)

In deserted villages and communities near the southern Lebanon border, Israeli troops and Hezbollah fighters have watched each other for months, shifting and adapting in a battle for the upper hand while they wait to see if a full scale war will come.

Ever since the start of the Gaza war last October, the two sides have exchanged daily barrages of rockets, artillery, missile fire and air strikes in a standoff that has just stopped short of full-scale war.

Tens of thousands have been evacuated from both sides of the border, and hopes that children may be able to return for the start of the new school year in September appear to have been dashed following an announcement by Israeli Education Minister Yoav Kisch on Tuesday that conditions would not allow it.

"The war is almost the same for the past nine months," Lieutenant Colonel Dotan, an Israeli officer, who could only be identified by his first name. "We have good days of hitting Hezbollah and bad days where they hit us. It's almost the same, all year, all the nine months."

As the summer approaches its peak, the smoke trails of drones and rockets in the sky have become a daily sight, with missiles regularly setting off brush fires in the thickly wooded hills along the border.

Israeli strikes have killed nearly 350 Hezbollah fighters in Lebanon and more than 100 civilians, including medics, children and journalists, while 10 Israeli civilians, a foreign agricultural worker and 20 Israeli soldiers have been killed.

Even so, as the cross border firing has continued, Israeli forces have been training for a possible offensive in Lebanon which would dramatically increase the risk of a wider regional war, potentially involving Iran and the United States.

That risk was underlined at the weekend when the Yemen-based Houthis, a militia which like Hezbollah is backed by Iran, sent a drone to Tel Aviv where it caused a blast that killed a man and prompted Israel to launch a retaliatory raid the next day.

Standing in his home kibbutz of Eilon, where only about 150 farmers and security guards remain from a normal population of 1,100, Lt. Colonet Dotan said the two sides have been testing each other for months, in a constantly evolving tactical battle.

"This war taught us patience," said Dotan. "In the Middle East, you need patience."

He said Israeli troops had seen an increasing use of Iranian drones, of a type frequently seen in Ukraine, as well as Russian-made Kornet anti tank missiles which were increasingly targeting houses as Israeli tank forces adapted their own tactics in response.

"Hezbollah is a fast-learning organization and they understood that UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) are the next big thing and so they went and bought and got trained in UAVs," he said.

Israel had responded by adapting its Iron Dome air defense system and focusing its own operations on weakening Hezbollah's organizational structure by attacking its experienced commanders, such as Ali Jaafar Maatuk, a field commander in the elite Radwan forces unit who was killed last week.

"So that's another weak point we found. We target them and we look for them on a daily basis," he said.

Even so, as the months have passed, the wait has not been easy for Israeli troops brought up in a doctrine of maneuver and rapid offensive operations.

"When you're on defense, you can't defeat the enemy. We understand that, we have no expectations," he said, "So we have to wait. It's a patience game."