Türkiye's Opposition Leader Looks to Emerge from Erdogan’s Shadow

This handout picture released by the Press Office of Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) shows Kemal Kilicdaroglu leader of the Republican People party CHP speaking after he was confirmed as the Turkish opposition's joint candidate to run against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Türkiye's presidential elections in May, in Ankara, on March 6, 2023. (Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)
This handout picture released by the Press Office of Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) shows Kemal Kilicdaroglu leader of the Republican People party CHP speaking after he was confirmed as the Turkish opposition's joint candidate to run against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Türkiye's presidential elections in May, in Ankara, on March 6, 2023. (Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)
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Türkiye's Opposition Leader Looks to Emerge from Erdogan’s Shadow

This handout picture released by the Press Office of Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) shows Kemal Kilicdaroglu leader of the Republican People party CHP speaking after he was confirmed as the Turkish opposition's joint candidate to run against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Türkiye's presidential elections in May, in Ankara, on March 6, 2023. (Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)
This handout picture released by the Press Office of Türkiye's Republican People's Party (CHP) shows Kemal Kilicdaroglu leader of the Republican People party CHP speaking after he was confirmed as the Turkish opposition's joint candidate to run against President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Türkiye's presidential elections in May, in Ankara, on March 6, 2023. (Republican People's Party (CHP) Press Service / AFP)

Stuck in Recep Tayyip Erdogan's shadow throughout his career, Turkish opposition leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu believes his time may have come after suffering repeated election defeats and scorn from the man who has dominated politics for two decades.

An opposition alliance on Monday named Kilicdaroglu, chairman of the Republican People's Party (CHP), its candidate to take on President Erdogan in May 14 elections that are seen as perhaps the most consequential in Türkiye's modern history.

His prospects may have been boosted by a last-minute deal to reunite an opposition bloc that had splintered on Friday over whether he should be the candidate.

After a 72-hour political drama, the six parties agreed that the popular mayors of Istanbul and Ankara would serve as his vice presidents should he overcome Erdogan.

Kilicdaroglu would also be capitalizing on the opposition's 2019 triumph when the CHP defeated Erdogan's ruling AK Party (AKP) in Istanbul and other big cities in local elections, thanks to support from other opposition parties.

A cost-of-living crisis amid rampant inflation and years of economic turmoil have eroded Erdogan's support, giving Kilicdaroglu another advantage.

"We will rule Türkiye with consultations and compromise," Kilicdaroglu told several thousand supporters cheering outside the headquarters of the Felicity Party, one of the six in the opposition bloc.

"We will establish the rule of morality and justice together," he said.

Kilicdaroglu's detractors say he lacks Erdogan's power to rally and capture audiences, and has no clear or convincing vision for what a post-Erdogan era looks like.

His backers underscore his reputation as an ethical bureaucrat, said Gonul Tol, head of the Türkiye program at Washington-based think-tank Middle East Institute said.

"He is not a corrupt man. He doesn't steal," she said.

"He wants to conclude his political career as the person who has resuscitated the Turkish democracy, that's why he is the right man."

Tight election

Polls suggest a tight presidential and parliamentary vote, which will decide not just who leads Türkiye but how it is governed, where its economy is headed and what role it may play to ease conflict in Ukraine and the Middle East.

Yet many wonder whether the earnest and sometimes feisty former civil servant can defeat Erdogan, the country's longest-serving leader, whose campaigning charisma has helped deliver more than a dozen election victories over two decades.

His nomination comes a month after two huge earthquakes left Türkiye's southeast in ruins, and unleashed a wave of criticism of government over the poor disaster response and years of subpar building standards.

Initial polls since the quakes had suggested that Erdogan was able to largely retain his support despite the disaster. But the emergence of a united opposition, even after a delay in picking its candidate, could prove a bigger challenge for the strongman, analysts say.

Entry into politics

Erdogan's unorthodox economic policies, including interest rate cuts when inflation soared above 85% last year, have strained households and sparked a series of currency crashes since 2018.

The hardship presents a historic opening for Kilicdaroglu, a former economist, to end Erdogan's reign that began when AKP first came to power in 2002.

In that election, he entered parliament for the center-left CHP, a party established by modern Türkiye's founder Mustafa Kemal Ataturk which has struggled to reach beyond its secularist grassroots towards move conservative Turks.

He has spoken in recent years of a desire to heal old wounds with devout Muslims and Kurds, including groups in Diyarbakir that he met and acknowledged that CHP had upset in the past.

But Kilicdaroglu has struggled to maintain momentum. Recent polling showed Erdogan's support had edged up since last summer thanks to measures including a raise in the minimum wage.

Following the earthquake, Kilicdaroglu adopted a more combative tone that helped him consolidate his own base, researcher Nezih Onur Kuru said. But it prevented him from appealing to indecisive voters.

"In times of crisis, center and right-wing voters - which make up over 60% of the electorate - seek unifying and result-oriented messages from politicians. Kilicdaroglu did not do this," said Kuru, of research firm Toplumsal Etki Arastirmalari Merkezi (TEAM).

"That did not help the overall opposition."

Rise through the ranks

Kilicdaroglu rose to prominence as the CHP's anti-graft campaigner, appearing on TV to brandish dossiers against officials which led to high-profile resignations. In 2009 he lost an election as the CHP's Istanbul mayoral candidate.

The following year, he was elected unopposed as CHP leader after his predecessor's resignation in the wake of scandal.

At that party convention, a campaign song blasted across a packed hall describing him as "a clean and honest" man.

Wearing a striped shirt and a black blazer, Kilicdaroglu told cheering supporters: "We are coming to power. We are coming to protect the rights of the poor, the oppressed, the workers and laborers".

His election fueled party hopes of a new start, but support for CHP has since failed to surpass about 25%.

Still, Kilicdaroglu is viewed as having quietly reformed the party and sidelined hardcore "Kemalists" espousing a rigid version of the ideas of Ataturk, while promoting members seen as more closely aligned with European social democratic values.

Political commentator Murat Yetkin has said Kilicdaroglu has so far not been able to transform the CHP fully due to a "static political culture".

’Gandhi Kemal’

Before entering politics, Kilicdaroglu, 74, worked in the finance ministry and then chaired Türkiye's Social Insurance Institution for most of the 1990s. In speeches, Erdogan frequently disparages his performance in that role.

Born in the eastern Tunceli province, he is a civil servant's son and an Alevi, a group which makes up 15-20% of Türkiye's 85 million population and which follows a faith drawing on Shiiite Muslim, Sufi and Anatolian folk traditions.

Kilicdaroglu has acknowledged being Alevi but generally avoids the issue. Alevis' beliefs put them at odds with the country's Sunni Muslim majority.

Nicknamed by the Turkish media as "Gandhi Kemal" because of a passing resemblance with his slight, bespectacled appearance, he captured the public imagination in 2017 when he launched his 450 km "March for Justice" from Ankara to Istanbul over the arrest of a CHP deputy.

Kilcdaroglu orchestrated the CHP alliance with IYI and the Felicity Party in 2018 general elections, paving the way to the local election success the following year.

In Erdogan's first substantial blow as AKP leader, the CHP won mayoralties in Istanbul, Ankara and other cities thanks to the alliance and support of voters from a big pro-Kurdish party.

But Kilicdaroglu may struggle to replicate the 2019 victory on the national stage, where the CHP's previous election defeats loom large, said Emre Peker, Europe Director at Eurasia Group.

"Erdogan will paint Kilicdaroglu as a loser," he said.



Biden’s Legacy: Far-Reaching Accomplishments That Didn’t Translate into Political Support

US President Joe Biden waves while boarding Air Force One at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on November 1, 2022. (AFP)
US President Joe Biden waves while boarding Air Force One at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on November 1, 2022. (AFP)
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Biden’s Legacy: Far-Reaching Accomplishments That Didn’t Translate into Political Support

US President Joe Biden waves while boarding Air Force One at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on November 1, 2022. (AFP)
US President Joe Biden waves while boarding Air Force One at Joint Base Andrews in Maryland on November 1, 2022. (AFP)

Sitting in the Oval Office behind the iconic Resolute desk in 2022, an animated President Joe Biden described the challenge of leading a psychologically traumatized nation.

The United States had endured a life-altering pandemic. There was a jarring burst of inflation and now global conflict with Russia invading Ukraine, as well as the persistent threat to democracy he felt Donald Trump posed.

How could Biden possibly heal that collective trauma?

“Be confident,” he said emphatically in an interview with The Associated Press. “Be confident. Because I am confident.”

But in the ensuing two years, the confidence Biden hoped to instill steadily waned. And when the 81-year-old Democratic president showed his age in a disastrous debate in June against Trump, he lost the benefit of the doubt as well. That triggered a series of events that led him Sunday to step down as his party's nominee for the November's election.

Democrats, who had been united in their resolve to prevent another Trump term, suddenly fractured. And Republicans, beset by chaos in Congress and the former president’s criminal conviction, improbably coalesced in defiant unity.

Biden never figured out how to inspire the world’s most powerful country to believe in itself, let alone in him.

He lost the confidence of supporters in the 90-minute debate with Trump, even if pride initially prompted him to override the fears of lawmakers, party elders and donors who were nudging him to drop out. Then Trump survived an assassination attempt in Pennsylvania and, as if on cue, pumped his fist in strength. Biden, while campaigning in Las Vegas, tested positive for the coronavirus Wednesday and retreated to his Delaware beach home to recover.

The events over the course of three weeks led to an exit Biden never wanted, but one that Democrats felt they needed to maximize their chance of winning in November’s elections.

Biden seems to have badly misread the breadth of his support. While many Democrats had deep admiration for the president personally, they did not have the same affection for him politically.

Rice University historian Douglas Brinkley said Biden arrived as a reprieve from a nation exhausted by Trump and the pandemic, reported The Associated Press.

“He was a perfect person for that moment,” said Brinkley, noting Biden proved in era of polarization that bipartisan lawmaking was still possible.

Yet, there was never a “Joe Biden Democrat” like there was a “Reagan Republican.” He did not have adoring, movement-style followers as did Barack Obama or John F. Kennedy. He was not a generational candidate like Bill Clinton. The only barrier-breaking dimension to his election was the fact that he was the oldest person ever elected president.

His first run for the White House, in the 1988 cycle, ended with self-inflicted wounds stemming from plagiarism, and he didn’t make it to the first nominating contest. In 2008, he dropped out after the Iowa caucuses, where he won less than 1% of the vote.

In 2016, Obama counseled his vice president not to run. A Biden victory in 2020 seemed implausible, when he finished fourth in Iowa and fifth in New Hampshire before a dramatic rebound in South Carolina that propelled him to the nomination and the White House.

David Axelrod, a former senior adviser to Obama who also worked closely with Biden, said that history would treat Biden kinder than voters had, not just because of his legislative achievements but because in 2020 he defeated Trump.

“His legacy is significant beyond all his many accomplishments,” Axelrod said. “He will always be the man who stepped up and defeated a president who placed himself above our democracy."

But Biden could not avoid his age. And when he showed frailty in his steps and his speech, there was no foundation of supporters that could stand by him to stop calls for him to step aside.

It was a humbling end to a half-century career in politics, yet hardly reflective of the full legacy of his time in the White House.

In March of 2021, Biden launched $1.9 trillion in pandemic aid, creating a series of new programs that temporarily halved child poverty, halted evictions and contributed to the addition of 15.7 million jobs. But inflation began to rise shortly thereafter as Biden’s approval rating as measured by the AP-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research fell from 61% to 39% as of June.

He followed up with a series of executive actions to unsnarl global supply chains and a $1 trillion bipartisan infrastructure package that not only replaced aging infrastructure but improved internet access and prepared communities to withstand the damages from climate change.

In 2022, Biden and his fellow Democrats followed up with two measures that reinvigorated the future of US manufacturing.

The CHIPS and Science Act provided $52 billion to build factories and create institutions to make computer chips domestically, ensuring that the US would have access to the most advanced semiconductors needed to power economic growth and maintain national security. There was also the Inflation Reduction Act, which provided incentives to shift away from fossil fuels and enabled Medicare to negotiate drug prices.

Biden also sought to compete more aggressively with China, rebuild alliances such as NATO and completed the US withdrawal from Afghanistan that resulted in the death of 13 US service members.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in early 2022 worsened inflation as Trump and other Republicans questioned the value of military aid to the Ukrainians.

Hamas’ Oct. 7, 2023 attack in Israel sparked a war that showed divisions within the Democratic party about whether the United States should continue to support Israel as tens of thousands of Palestinians died in months of counterattacks. The president was also criticized over illegal border crossings at the southern border with Mexico.

Yet it was the size of the stakes and the fear of a Biden loss that prevailed, resulting in a bet by Democrats that the tasks he began could best be completed by a younger generation.

“History will be kinder to him than voters were at the end,” Axelrod said.