Al-Kadhimi to Asharq Al-Awsat: Saudi-Iranian Talks Were Frank, Comprehensive, Fruitful

Al-Kadhimi during his interview with the editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat
Al-Kadhimi during his interview with the editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat
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Al-Kadhimi to Asharq Al-Awsat: Saudi-Iranian Talks Were Frank, Comprehensive, Fruitful

Al-Kadhimi during his interview with the editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat
Al-Kadhimi during his interview with the editor-in-chief of Asharq Al-Awsat

Saudi-Iranian talks conducted in Baghdad were frank, comprehensive, and fruitful, former Iraqi prime minister Mustafa Al-Kadhimi told Asharq Al-Awsat days before Iran and Saudi Arabia announced an agreement to re-establish diplomatic relations in a deal mediated by China.

Considering progress in Saudi-Iranian talks, Al-Kadhimi said: “The Saudi-Iranian dialogue was frank and fruitful, and that is why I expect a soon return to relations between the two countries.”

The former Iraqi head of government noted that the return of Saudi-Iranian relations is in the region’s interest.

“The success of Saudi-Iranian talks helped calm the region. Saudi Arabia is a significant country in the region, and Iran is an important country in the region. They are two Muslim neighbors with many common interests,” stressed Al-Kadhimi.

In his first interview since ending his tenure as head of the Iraqi government, Al-Kadhimi affirmed that some are trying to “demonize and blame” him and his government for all the defects ailing Iraq’s political system for the past two decades.

Al-Kadhimi traced attempts to “demonize” him and his government to the first few weeks of assuming power in Iraq.

“Groups outside the state stood before any action that serves the people… But we remained committed to our people,” affirmed the former premier, noting that the government was later handed over according to the principle of peaceful transfer of power in a much better condition than it was.

According to Al-Kadhimi, the vilification of his government continued even after its term ended.

“There were what could be considered malicious and retaliatory measures that we hope to keep state institutions away from,” he explained.

“We have openly declared that we accept a transparent international investigation into all fabricated and malicious cases,” affirmed the former head of government.

When asked if he could assert that he didn’t get involved in corruption or provide cover for those who did, Al-Kadhimi said: “I am sure that I was not involved in any corruption case, and I did not provide cover for anyone. On the contrary, when an acquaintance got involved in corruption cases and was sentenced, I did not interfere despite all the pressures I was subjected to.”

Revealing that corruption has consumed more than $600 billion of Iraqi funds, Al-Kadhimi said that the money was funneled “to benefit individuals, party and military entities, and regional roles.”

Defending his government against accusations of corruption, Al-Kadhimi said: “Of the total 28 months of my government’s term, I only had a budget of up to 5 months.”

“Corruption was entrenched in the Iraqi state before I came,” he stressed.

Al-Kadhimi blamed all previous governments for involvement in corruption.

“Yes, between 2003 and mid-2020, corruption devoured 600 billion dollars of Iraqi money,” he affirmed, adding that the funds were siphoned into building a deep state and investing in fraudulent projects.

“I have the accounts of the previous governments, what they spent, and what amounts disappeared. Some of the facts in this regard are terrifying and shocking,” noted Al-Kadhimi.

“Money was going to parties, and these parties invested it in establishing a military situation for armed groups in Iraq and outside Iraq,” he revealed.

“During my government, there was no possibility for any dollar to go to finance groups outside the state.”

“My position was strong on this issue, and they know it and keep silent about it, and for this, they harbor hostility towards me.”

“Unfortunately, there are those who want to clean up their bad history in governance, and for this, they blame Al-Kadhimi’s government, which has no party, militia, or parliamentary bloc,” said the former premier.

Al-Kadhimi accused those parties of obstructing the work of his government.

Iraq reverting to its Arab depth while respecting the interests of its neighbors is normal, said Al-Kadhimi, confirming that the Shiite authority in Iraq supports this approach.

“(Ali) Al-Sistani is a supporter of Iraq’s orientation towards its Arab surroundings and the promotion of national identity and the civil state,” he revealed.

Al-Sistani is Iraq’s top Shiite cleric.

“He calls for the integration of Shiite communities into their countries and respect for the ruling laws in any country,” clarified Al-Kadhimi about al-Sistani’s approach in general.

“Iraq was far and receding in its foreign relations. I worked to return Iraq to its Arab surroundings as it is an Arab country par excellence,” he said, while recognizing other ethnicities in Iraq.

“Kurds and others have the right to preserve their identities, but Iraq is ultimately part of the Arab and Islamic worlds,” he affirmed.

“From state to state,” Iraq under Al-Kadhimi sought to build its relations based on respect for mutual interests.

“I worked to rebuild our relations with the Arab world, with the Gulf countries in particular, and with Jordan, Egypt, Lebanon, and even the distant Arab countries,” asserted Al-Kadhimi.

Regarding Iraq’s relationship with Tehran and Washington, Al-Kadhimi affirmed that his country is committed to its interests and the interests of others based on state-to-state relations and a balance of interests.

Asserting that Iraq comes first, Al-Kadhimi said: “We defend our interests, respect the interests of others and state-to-state relations without subordination.”

Moreover, Al-Kadhimi indicated that he sensed the interest of Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in deepening and expanding Saudi-Iraqi relations.

“I was the head of the intelligence service, and I conveyed a message from the Iraqi government stating that we have no problem with a particular sect, but our problem is with the takfiris or the terrorists,” said Al-Kadhimi.

“Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s answer was, in fact, a smart answer,” he added.

“We do not deal with politics on the basis of sects, but rather on the basis of common interests and our cultural affiliations,” said the Crown Prince, according to Al-Kadhimi.

“It was a frank meeting during which I sensed his interest in deepening bilateral relations, and a continuous friendship developed between us,” noted Al-Kadhimi about his meeting with the Crown Prince.

“Indeed, I saw in him (Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman) an ambitious young man who is concerned about the renaissance of his country and the region and believes in building a modern state that will be part of the civilized world and has its influence and imprint on economic, social and political development.”

Al-Kadhimi further affirmed that the Crown Prince has long supported Saudi-Iranian talks.

Acknowledging that his government had failed to address arms control problems in Iraq, Al-Kadhimi talked about the killings of political activists.

Targeted assassinations were sometimes carried out by elements who infiltrated security services under previous governments, he said.

“The problem is that some previous governments facilitated the entry of groups into state institutions,” noted Al-Kadhimi, adding that disputes arose between him and armed groups in Iraq after he blocked their access to government institutions.

“Unfortunately, all previous governments contributed to including these groups in the Iraqi state.”

Al-Kadhimi also talked about three assassination attempts that targeted him, including a drone attack against his residence.



Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”