As Corruption Probes Converge, Support for Lebanon Central Bank Governor Frays

FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh speaks during an interview for Reuters Next conference, in Beirut, Lebanon November 23, 2021. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh speaks during an interview for Reuters Next conference, in Beirut, Lebanon November 23, 2021. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir/File Photo
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As Corruption Probes Converge, Support for Lebanon Central Bank Governor Frays

FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh speaks during an interview for Reuters Next conference, in Beirut, Lebanon November 23, 2021. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir/File Photo
FILE PHOTO: Lebanon's Central Bank Governor Riad Salameh speaks during an interview for Reuters Next conference, in Beirut, Lebanon November 23, 2021. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir/File Photo

Top-level political backing for Lebanon's central bank governor Riad Salameh is starting to fray, political sources say, as the veteran financier once hailed as a banking wizard faces several corruption investigations in the waning months of his tenure.

The apparent cooling of support raises questions over the impact the investigations could have on the wider political class, given the widely-held view that members of the ruling elite fear his downfall would have repercussions for them.

Salameh, 72, has been summoned for a hearing on Wednesday as part of Lebanon's probe into whether he and his brother embezzled hundreds of millions of dollars in public funds, a claim at least five European countries are also investigating, Reuters said.

He denies the charges and says they are part of an attempt to scapegoat him for Lebanon's historic financial crisis, which has destroyed the savings of generations since 2019.

Many blame Salameh along with ruling politicians, whose interests he long served as steward of the financial system.

Viewing Salameh as a burden, some of his long-time allies are now distancing themselves from him, say political sources, who declined to be identified due to the sensitivity of the subject.

Salameh, governor for three decades, said in February he would not seek a new term once his current one ends in July.

His departure will mark a milestone in the financial meltdown which resulted from decades of profligate spending, corruption and unsustainable financial policies by leaders who have left the crisis to fester since 2019.

Once a regular at banking summits and chic restaurants in Europe, he now restricts his movements and is rarely seen in public, except for semi-regular television interviews defending his record.

Concrete t-walls surround the central bank building in Beirut, covered in anti-Salameh graffiti. He is living in a secured apartment inside and rarely leaves, according to a source close to him who has visited him.

To attend a meeting at the government's headquarters, he was sent an armored car, brought into the premises through a secret door and left quickly before news of his presence spread, a source with knowledge of the meeting said.

Another source with knowledge of Salameh's interactions with the political elite said he had been "very tense recently". A close friend said he was seriously considering leaving Lebanon once his term ends.

The close friend said that Salameh was confident European investigators would eventually clear him of wrongdoing.

Salameh did not respond to questions from Reuters on the sources' accounts of his isolation.

'HE IS THE DOMINO'
European officials have not yet questioned the Salamehs directly and have not filed formal charges. Raja has also denied any wrongdoing.

They will be allowed to attend Wednesday's hearing in Lebanon, where a judge charged the Salameh brothers with financial crimes last month.

But critics have long doubted whether ruling politicians, who exercise major sway over the judiciary, would allow him to be prosecuted in Lebanon: Salameh has been the linchpin of a financial system from which they benefited for decades.

"He is the domino. If he falls, everything falls," said the source with knowledge of Salameh's political ties.

"He knows most of their financial secrets," wrote Ibrahim Al-Amin, editor of al-Akhbar newspaper, which has long been critical of Lebanon's financial policies.

Salameh has worked hand-in-glove since 1993 with powerful figures.

But there are signs his political backing is waning.

Prime Minister Najib Mikati, a billionaire businessman, told local broadcaster Al-Jadeed he would not propose an extension of Salameh's term. "(Salameh) doesn't want to (continue), and for us I believe it is difficult," he said.

A political source said Mikati would no longer back him. "It's over for Riad Salameh," the source said. Mikati's office declined to comment and referred Reuters to the Al-Jadeed interview.

A source from the Amal Movement, headed by Berri and seen as one of Salameh's main traditional backers, said if Salameh is involved in corruption, he should be tried fairly.

"We never cover anyone," the source added.

Lebanon's Hezbollah has said it is against a term extension.

"The politicians for whom he did so much now see him as a burden, and they are distancing themselves from him little by little," a second political source said.

In January, the US Treasury sanctioned a Lebanese money exchanger over alleged ties to Hezbollah, saying he had advocated for his exchange firm to the central bank governor.

Two bankers said the reference to Salameh's post was seen as a message from Washington that he was "not untouchable."

Salameh's enforcement of US laws targeting Hezbollah finances had helped win supporters in the West. The US Treasury declined to comment.

"It would be wise for him not to stay on" when his term ends, a Western diplomat said.



Israel-Hamas Ceasefire Deal Compared to Swiss Cheese, Full of Gaps

Israelis block road in Jerusalem, demanding agreement implementation and hostage release (AFP)
Israelis block road in Jerusalem, demanding agreement implementation and hostage release (AFP)
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Israel-Hamas Ceasefire Deal Compared to Swiss Cheese, Full of Gaps

Israelis block road in Jerusalem, demanding agreement implementation and hostage release (AFP)
Israelis block road in Jerusalem, demanding agreement implementation and hostage release (AFP)

The ceasefire and prisoner exchange deal reached between Israel and Hamas on Wednesday evening is facing a crisis that could prevent it from going forward before it gets Israeli approval or is put into effect.
The agreement is full of gaps, much like Swiss cheese. Despite outlining three phases aimed at bringing the war to a close, it is accompanied by Israeli military actions that continue to claim dozens of lives in Gaza.
Asharq Al-Awsat reviewed the deal’s terms and the different interpretations from both sides.
The first issue comes from the opening of the agreement’s appendix: Practical procedures and mechanisms to implement the agreement for the exchange of Israeli hostages and Palestinian prisoners and the return to a sustainable calm which would achieve a permanent ceasefire between the two sides.
What does “sustainable calm” mean? In Israel, officials say it means Israel has the right to resume fighting after the first phase. Palestinians, however, claim US President-elect Donald Trump’s administration has promised the war won’t restart. Both sides interpret the term differently.
The goal of the agreement is clear: release all Israeli prisoners—alive or dead—captured by Palestinians. In return, Israel will release a “negotiated number” of Palestinian prisoners.
The exchange is set to begin on “Day One,” the day the ceasefire takes effect, but it's still unclear when that will be.
In the first phase (42 days), the agreement calls for “a temporary halt to military operations by both sides and the withdrawal of the Israeli army eastward” from “high-population areas along the Gaza border, including the Gaza Valley.”
Hamas claims the maps provided for this were incomplete.
Even though the agreement mentions “the return of displaced people to their homes and withdrawal from Gaza Valley,” people will have to walk several kilometers and vehicles will be inspected, which could lead to disagreements and clashes.
As for humanitarian aid, the agreement allows for its entry starting on “Day One” (600 trucks daily, including 50 fuel trucks, with 300 heading to northern Gaza).
This includes fuel for the power plant and equipment for debris removal, rehabilitation, and hospital operations.
But the agreement doesn’t clarify how the aid will be distributed or who will control it. Will Hamas continue to oversee it? Will Israel agree? If Hamas takes charge, what happens then? This could lead to further complications.
The criteria for the first phase of the prisoner exchange are clear, but the agreement states that “the prisoner exchange terms for the first phase will not apply to the second phase.”
Hamas wants more Palestinian prisoners released, but Israel rejects this. If disagreements have arisen over clear criteria in the first phase, what will happen when the criteria are more vague?
The agreement sets a deadline of “Day 16” for indirect talks to finalize the conditions for the second phase, particularly regarding the prisoner exchange.
One clause is seen by Israel as not requiring it to carry out the second phase, while Hamas views it as a guarantee to prevent the war from restarting. The clause states: “Qatar, the US, and Egypt will make every effort to ensure continued indirect negotiations until both sides agree on the terms for the second phase.”
However, the phrase “make every effort” does not create a binding legal obligation.
The agreement is full of gaps that could become major problems for both sides. While this doesn’t mean the deal should be dismissed, it shows that many parts of the agreement are fragile and depend on mutual trust and good intentions—both of which are lacking in this region.