Turkish Intelligence Eliminates PKK Official in Aleppo

Men walk through debris in the center of Afrin, Syria. REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi
Men walk through debris in the center of Afrin, Syria. REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi
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Turkish Intelligence Eliminates PKK Official in Aleppo

Men walk through debris in the center of Afrin, Syria. REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi
Men walk through debris in the center of Afrin, Syria. REUTERS/Khalil Ashawi

Turkish intelligence has eliminated a figure from the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), the biggest component of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), in an operation in northern Syria.

Mehmet Yildirim, a senior figure of the PKK group's Syrian wing YPG, was killed in Syria in an operation run by the National Intelligence Organization (MIT).

Yildirim, known by his code name “Hamza Kobani,” was serving as the finance official of the group in Aleppo and Tal Rifaat, security sources said Sunday.

The sources told Turkish media outlets that Yildirim was eliminated in the Sheikh Maqsoud neighborhood of Aleppo.

Yildirim joined the group in 1986 and was engaged in its activities in Türkiye and Iraq before relocating to Syria in 2015.

Military experts consider that drones have become a key weapon for the Turkish forces amid the Russian control over the skies in northern Syria. This served Türkiye’s aim to weaken the SDF amid the American and western support to the Kurdish units as their ally in the fight against the terrorist ISIS.

Announcing the elimination of Yildirim concurred with the fifth anniversary of the seizure of Afrin by the Turkish forces and the Syrian armed factions through “Operation Olive Branch,” which was launched on Jan. 20 2018 and concluded on March 18 of the same year.

Hundreds of people displaced from Afrin went out on protests in Al-Shuhabaa and Al-Shaikh Maqsoud neighborhoods in Aleppo and areas in northern Aleppo countryside, on their fifth anniversary of being displaced, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.

The protesters denounced the Turkish violations in Afrin.

Moreover, dozens of citizens went to the streets in Der Ezzor’s countryside to protest the ongoing Turkish attacks in northeast Syria on the fifth anniversary of Operation Olive Branch.

Türkiye aimed through its military operation to prevent the establishment of a “terrorist belt” on its southern border.

According to the Turkish defense ministry, 7,000 SDF members were killed and 314 were wounded.

Operation Olive Branch is the second Turkish operation that inaugurated the Turkish intervention in the north of Syria following Operation Euphrates Shield through which Türkiye and loyal Syrian factions loyal laid hands over large swathes of Aleppo in 2016.

Operation Olive Branch was followed by Operation Peace Spring which was conducted by Türkiye against the SDF sites in cooperation with the national army factions in October 2019.

Afrin is 60 km far from Aleppo’s center and is one of the three Kurdish zones in northern Syria in addition to Al-Jazira in Hasaka and Ayn al-Arab (Kobani).

Unlike Al-Jazira and Kobani, Afrin is relatively far from the other Kurdish regions in northern Syria, and it represents two percent of Syria’s overall area.

Türkiye moved thousands of families of the national army fighters and their Arab and Turkmen relatives to the houses of Kurds who were displaced from Afrin, according to local activists and residents.

The economic situation which relies on agriculture has worsened since the pro-Ankara forces seized Afrin.

Investment plans were launched and the Turkish traders who have become active in Afrin benefited from them. They have found new markets.

Leaders of some factions in the national army invested their money with Syrian traders from Ghouta and Homs who were forcibly displaced.



Syria’s al-Sharaa Under Trump’s Spotlight, Admiring ‘Strong’ Leaders

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)
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Syria’s al-Sharaa Under Trump’s Spotlight, Admiring ‘Strong’ Leaders

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa (AP)

A hundred days after Ahmed al-Sharaa was sworn in as Syria’s president, US officials are still proceeding with caution regarding his administration. There are concerns about the potential for chaos, which could create fertile ground for extremist groups and allow Iran to maintain its foothold in the country.

Additionally, there are growing anxieties over Türkiye’s expanding influence across Syria and its implications for Israel.

These points were highlighted in discussions with Robert Wood, a former US ambassador who held various positions at the State Department and served at the US Mission to the United Nations; Robert Ford, former US ambassador to Syria; Henri Barkey, senior fellow for Middle Eastern Studies at the Council on Foreign Relations and former government official; and Ayman Abdel Nour, a Syrian-American political analyst and journalist.

While caution is urged in evaluating al-Sharaa’s leadership, it remains unclear whether his actions will translate into meaningful governance.

According to Wood, the current situation in Syria can be described as highly complex, especially considering recent violence, and experts are watching closely to see how al-Sharaa navigates these challenges. While his hosting of a national unity conference has drawn some positive attention, concerns remain about the broader implications of his leadership.

Ford shares a similar perspective, acknowledging that Shara's actions often align with what one would expect from a head of state. Notably, his agreement with Mazloum Abdi, leader of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), is seen as a potential step toward greater internal stability, provided it is properly implemented.

However, Barkey emphasizes that Abdi controls a much larger force than other groups like Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, which likely made it necessary for al-Sharaa to strike a deal with him. If Abdi forms alliances with other minority groups, such as the Druze, he could become a key figure of opposition to al-Sharaa’s rule. Additionally, al-Sharaa faces the challenge of reducing his reliance on Turkish support, while also proving his ability to act independently on the international stage.

US diplomats, however, remained cautious about al-Sharaa's leadership, with some expressing skepticism about his ability to lead effectively. While he appears to be acting presidentially, concerns persist regarding his control over extremist factions within his government, as well as recent security violations in Latakia and Tartus. Experts note that despite his ascent to power, Sharaa has yet to unite the country, with some pointing to the collapse of the regime’s military as a key factor in his rise.

A significant point of criticism from Barkey is al-Sharaa’s appointment of former jihadists as governors in key areas, including Latakia and Tartus, as well as his reliance on family members and loyalists within his government.

While some US officials argue that Sharaa’s government may not be directly involved in recent incidents, uncertainty remains about who in his administration might be complicit.

For his part, Abdel Nour highlights a shift in public perception of al-Sharaa since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in December 2024.

Initially, Syrians—including Alawites—were relieved by Assad's ousting, but nearly 100 days into Sharaa's presidency, tensions have risen due to discrepancies between al-Sharaa’s rhetoric and the reality on the ground, particularly in relation to key figures like Foreign Minister Asaad al-Shibani and mid-level officials.

Key Questions Raised on Accountability and Rule of Law

Ford echoed concerns about al-Sharaa’s ability to address critical issues, including accountability and the rule of law, especially following the unrest in Latakia and Tartus.

Despite al-Sharaa’s formation of a committee to investigate the incidents, Ford questions whether those responsible for violations will be held publicly accountable, stressing that such actions are crucial for maintaining trust within security forces and the broader public.

Wood acknowledged the significance of al-Sharaa’s national unity conference yet remains deeply concerned about the potential agreements Sharaa may strike with the SDF. While he sees positive signs, he underscores the importance of thorough investigations into recent killings, as the identities of those responsible remain unclear.

US Perspectives on al-Sharaa’s Leadership

Abdel Nour describes two prevalent perspectives in Washington regarding al-Sharaa’s leadership. One, held by military and security figures with experience in Iraq, doubts that the new Syrian leadership will bring significant change, regardless of its outward appearance. The other viewpoint suggests giving al-Sharaa several months to adjust to the new reality.

Fears Over ISIS Prisoners and Regional Stability

A significant concern raised by Wood is the potential release of approximately 9,500 ISIS fighters currently held in over 20 prisons across Syria, should Sharaa reach a deal with the SDF. These fighters could pose a serious security threat not only to Syria but to Iraq and the broader region.

Ford added that al-Sharaa’s past, particularly his involvement with jihadist factions like Jabhat al-Nusra and ISIS, raises questions about his true political motivations. Ford wonders whether al-Sharaa used these groups for political leverage.

Iran’s Influence and Regional Dynamics

Both Wood and Ford emphasize the importance of monitoring Iran’s role in Syria. Ford warns that further instability could provide Iran with opportunities to rebuild its influence in certain Syrian communities, which he believes would not align with US national security interests.

Wood stresses that neighboring countries, including Israel and Türkiye, have a strong interest in a unified Syria to avoid further regional instability.

Professor Barkey cautions that while Iran's influence in Syria has not been eliminated, Tehran will likely continue to pursue ways to reassert its presence.

Türkiye-Israel Tensions and the Future of Syria

Concerns over a potential Turkish-Israeli confrontation in Syria are growing. Ford points out that Türkiye, a key player with growing ties to al-Sharaa’s government, could play a significant role in Syria’s future. He worries that a direct conflict between Turkish and Israeli forces, potentially involving airstrikes or proxy engagements, could escalate tensions in the region.

However, Barkey believes that such a scenario is unlikely to escalate into direct military confrontation. Instead, he suggests that the Turkish-Israeli rivalry will remain largely political, with both countries focusing on strategic interests in the region, particularly in Syria’s south where Israel is concerned about the resurgence of Hezbollah or other new actors.

In discussions surrounding Syria’s new constitution, Ford sees little value in UN Security Council Resolution 2254 and the Constitutional Committee led by UN Special Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen. Similarly, Barkey shares Ford’s skepticism, noting that he sees limited potential for the UN to bring about meaningful change unless Arab countries step in with support.

Barkey also echoes the view held by many that US President Donald Trump was unpredictable in his decision-making. He added that Trump had a deep admiration, though not fascination, for Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, viewing him as one of the “strongmen” capable of shaping the future of their countries as they see fit.

Looking ahead, Barkey remains uncertain about Syria’s future, acknowledging that the situation is highly unpredictable. He suggests that if Syria were to experience another war or a severe collapse of law and order, it is highly probable that ISIS could resurge.

The US government, Barkey speculates, is likely deeply concerned that without American forces acting as a buffer or deterrent, the stability of the region could be further jeopardized in the event of a breakdown in Syria.