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Gaza Fisherman Tests Waters in Legal Fight Over Israeli Blockade

Palestinian fisherman Jihad al-Hissi and his sons aboard their boat at the seaport in Gaza City © MAHMUD HAMS / AFP
Palestinian fisherman Jihad al-Hissi and his sons aboard their boat at the seaport in Gaza City © MAHMUD HAMS / AFP
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Gaza Fisherman Tests Waters in Legal Fight Over Israeli Blockade

Palestinian fisherman Jihad al-Hissi and his sons aboard their boat at the seaport in Gaza City © MAHMUD HAMS / AFP
Palestinian fisherman Jihad al-Hissi and his sons aboard their boat at the seaport in Gaza City © MAHMUD HAMS / AFP

Gaza fisherman Jihad al-Hissi is used to rough waters but he now faces a new storm. An Israeli court may seize his boat after he breached the limits of the enclave's fishing zone.

The issue is crucial for thousands in the blockaded Palestinian territory of 2.3 million people, where fishing in the Mediterranean Sea remains one of the few economic lifelines.

Hissi, 55, with square shoulders and a scruffy beard, told his story at Gaza's dock early one morning as fishermen sold their overnight catch of sea bream, prawns and sardines.

For now he has his boat, but its fate is uncertain as Israeli authorities argue before a Haifa court that it should be permanently taken away.

The vessel, used to catch gamberi prawns off southern Gaza near Egypt, is named the "Hajj Rajab", but its owners have erased the name from its yellow hull.

"I don't want the Israelis to spot us and seize my boat," said Hissi, who had a violent encounter with an Israeli naval patrol boat more than a year ago, AFP reported.

Israel says its land, air and sea blockade of Gaza is needed to protect it from rocket and other attacks from Hamas and to prevent arms smuggling to the Islamist militant movement.

Palestinians argue it is an effective siege that has crippled Gaza's economy and further impoverished its people, while the fishing limits deny it crucial protein.

Last year's incident came on February 14 when Hissi's vessel ventured beyond the maritime zone that Israel declared in 2007, the year Hamas seized power in Gaza.

Jihad's brother Nihad, who was at sea that day, said that "100 meters beyond the area, we were surprised by three Israeli boats with commandos.

"They attacked our boat... tied us up and arrested us."

The boat's cabin is still damaged from the water cannon blasts and the rubber-encased bullets fired by the Israeli forces that day.

Israel, in documents presented to court, accuses Hissi of having "repeatedly violated the security restrictions imposed by the Israeli army in the maritime zone adjacent to Gaza".

The Israeli non-government group Gisha has helped defend Hissi and in September secured the boat's return, but Israeli authorities now demand the court "permanently confiscate" the vessel.

The fishing zone allowed by Israel currently extends only to the heavily fished areas between six and 15 nautical miles (about 11 to 28 kilometres) off the Gaza coast.

Hissi argues this is less than the maximum of 20 nautical miles agreed in the 1990s under the Israeli-Palestinian agreements in Oslo.

But he also admits to going even beyond that from time to time, in search of shrimp which nets around $21 per kilogram (2.2 pounds) and can make the difference between profit and loss.

The legal fight is closely watched by thousands of fishermen in Gaza.

If Hissi's boat is permanently confiscated, this would spell "a serious threat to the thousands of fishermen in Gaza, because it aims to put an end to fishing," charged Nizar Ayyash, president of the union representing the 4,000 fishermen in Gaza.

The court battle comes amid a rise in Israel's temporary seizures of fishing boats suspected of smuggling or breaching the fishing zone.

Last year saw 23 boat confiscations, the highest number since 2018, according to the Palestinian non-governmental group Al Mezan.

The group also recorded 474 security incidents involving Gaza fishermen last year, the most in five years.

Gisha lawyer Muna Haddad argued that the case was "outrageous" and came amid "an unprecedented escalation in targeting those fishermen".

Haddad accused Israel of misusing provisions of international law on armed conflict regarding the seizure of enemy ships by imposing them on civilians.

In the court documents seen by AFP, Israel claims Hissi "abused" legal protections and that his crew had "threatened" the safety of soldiers during the maritime seizure.

Israeli military officials assured AFP they wanted to support Gaza's economy -- but without compromising Israel's security.

"We fish to survive," said Hissi, whose family once lived in Jaffa, now part of Tel Aviv, before fleeing to Gaza during the 1948 war.

"And we will continue to fish even when our profits are low. I don't know how to do anything else in life anyway."

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Arab World

Syria, Lebanon Test Ties Amid Regional Escalation

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun meets with Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa during the Arab Summit in Egypt, March 4, 2025 (AP)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun meets with Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa during the Arab Summit in Egypt, March 4, 2025 (AP)
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Syria, Lebanon Test Ties Amid Regional Escalation

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun meets with Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa during the Arab Summit in Egypt, March 4, 2025 (AP)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun meets with Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa during the Arab Summit in Egypt, March 4, 2025 (AP)

Before a March 10 phone call between Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa and Lebanese President Joseph Aoun to discuss regional developments and their impact on the security and stability of both countries and the wider region, it appeared the two leaders had not been in direct contact since each assumed the presidency a little over a year ago.

In the days before speaking with Aoun, al-Sharaa contacted several Lebanese political figures. On March 6, he spoke with Prime Minister Nawaf Salam and former Progressive Socialist Party leader Walid Jumblatt. On March 8, he called Kataeb Party leader MP Sami Gemayel.

During those calls, al-Sharaa expressed “solidarity with the Lebanese people in these difficult circumstances Lebanon is going through.”

He said the reinforcement of the Syrian military presence along the Syrian-Lebanese border on March 3 was intended solely to strengthen border control and safeguard Syria’s internal security. He described the steps as similar to measures taken along the Syrian-Iraqi border.

The contacts came against the backdrop of war in the region and broader regional developments, and included discussions on the future of Syrian-Lebanese relations. Al-Sharaa stressed the importance of continued coordination between the two countries.

According to the Kataeb Party’s official website, the call between al-Sharaa and Gemayel took place in a positive atmosphere and included discussion of opening a new chapter in bilateral relations.

Al-Sharaa said ties between Syria and Lebanon should rest on “mutual respect between the two states,” alongside stronger economic cooperation and integration that serves the interests of both peoples.

However, the two days following the March 8 call triggered speculation that relations between the two countries were strained because of current and past issues.

Al-Sharaa moved to dispel that speculation with a direct call to Aoun. The following day, French President Emmanuel Macron said he had spoken with both leaders and welcomed the dialogue, saying “the coordination launched by the Lebanese and Syrian leaderships is important” and that France would continue to support it.

Overall, the contacts have raised cautious optimism about neighborly relations at a sensitive moment.

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Syrian analysts how they see relations between the two countries evolving in the near term amid ongoing regional developments.

Foundations of the relationship

Bassam Barabandi, a Syrian analyst and former diplomat based in Washington, said Damascus approaches relations with Lebanon on several foundations.

First is non-interference in Lebanon’s internal politics. Second is border security, particularly preventing Hezbollah from operating inside Syria or transferring weapons through Syrian territory, as well as halting drug smuggling through Syria, which requires direct cooperation with Lebanon.

Third is the issue of Syrians held in Lebanese prisons, which he said is under discussion.

Barabandi said contacts between the two sides, including the call between al-Sharaa and Aoun, produced understandings on several issues, notably mutual non-interference in internal affairs and handling files related to Syrian fugitives in Lebanon and Syrian refugees.

He noted that Lebanon’s political system requires engagement with multiple actors, since the president is only one part of a broader governing structure. Communicating Syrian assurances or positions, therefore, requires outreach to different political leaders.

In that context, al-Sharaa contacted Gemayel to thank him for efforts aimed at accelerating solutions for Syrians detained in Lebanon, and in recognition of his political weight among Christians.

The Syrian president also contacted Jumblatt, Lebanon’s top Druze leader.

Further contacts with other figures could follow if needed, Barabandi said.

He added that the Syrian government supports steps taken by the Lebanese government regarding Hezbollah, particularly efforts related to disarming the group.

Expanding dialogue

Jumaa Mohammed Laheeb, director of research and studies at the Syrian Future Movement, said the current dynamic between Damascus and Beirut reflects a dual reality: relatively advanced security and political coordination alongside political uncertainty.

That uncertainty is most evident in sensitive files, particularly those related to detainees, he said. In that context, al-Sharaa’s call with Salam can be understood.

Laheeb said the call and Syria’s expression of support for Lebanon amid the regional escalation focused on two main issues: border control and reassuring the Lebanese government that Syrian military deployments aim to strengthen control within Syrian territory rather than stoke tensions in Lebanon.

Such communication reflects effective operational channels between the two governments, particularly after understandings reached in recent years on smuggling and border crossings. But those channels alone cannot resolve politically and historically sensitive files such as detainees and the missing, he said.

Laheeb said the Lebanese presidency sits at the center of complex domestic balances involving Hezbollah’s influence, as well as Christian, Sunni and Druze segments.

Al-Sharaa’s initial reluctance to call Aoun directly — while opening communication with figures such as Jumblatt and Gemayel — reflects a Syrian effort to broaden the range of Lebanese actors it engages with.

Damascus appears to be seeking greater regional legitimacy by opening dialogue with forces opposed to Hezbollah’s dominance, he said. But key decisions on issues such as detainees, refugees and border security still pass through domestic circles in which Hezbollah retains considerable influence.

The detainee file, he said, remains a bargaining chip rather than a purely humanitarian priority, leading to delays and partial solutions rather than a comprehensive settlement.

Testing relations with Damascus

Syrian researcher Ahmad Abazid said Damascus does not want to become involved in the current war or intervene militarily against Hezbollah. However, he said the Syrian government has, from the outset, made support for the Lebanese state a cornerstone of its relationship with Lebanon, alongside what he described as genuine hostility toward Hezbollah.

For that reason, he said, it is natural for Damascus to support Aoun’s initiative to disarm the group.

At the same time, Abazid argued Hezbollah would be the weaker side in any confrontation with the new Syrian army. The history of relations between the group and Syrian opposition would likely push many fighters to confront Hezbollah if such a battle emerged, he said.

He also pointed to rising tensions. Hezbollah said Syrian territory had been used as the launch point for a second Israeli operation in the Lebanese town of Nabi Sheet in the Bekaa Valley. Shortly afterward, the Syrian army said Hezbollah had fired artillery shells at the Sarghaya region in western Syria.

Abazid said the escalation could reflect two possible dynamics. One is an Iranian attempt to spread instability across the region during the current war to increase pressure on all sides, particularly Arab states.

The other is that Hezbollah feels threatened by the Syrian side, especially as Lebanese actors have refrained from launching military initiatives against the group and after remarks by US envoy Tom Barrack suggesting possible Syrian intervention in Lebanon.

Arab World

Iraq PM Vows to Prevent Attacks After French Soldier Killed

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani attends an event in Baghdad, Iraq, Jan. 9, 2024. (Reuters)
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani attends an event in Baghdad, Iraq, Jan. 9, 2024. (Reuters)
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Iraq PM Vows to Prevent Attacks After French Soldier Killed

Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani attends an event in Baghdad, Iraq, Jan. 9, 2024. (Reuters)
Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani attends an event in Baghdad, Iraq, Jan. 9, 2024. (Reuters)

Iraq's Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani vowed on Friday to prevent attacks after the killing of a French soldier in an attack in the autonomous Kurdistan region.

Sudani expressed his "solidarity" with France in a phone call with French President Emmanuel Macron.

He said that "the necessary measures will be taken to prevent the recurrence of such incidents", and an investigation will be conducted into the attack.

The president of Iraq's Kurdistan region Nechirvan Barzani, in a call with Macron, also expressed his condolences and called for the Iraqi government to "set limits on outlaw groups".

Arab World

Report: Lebanon’s Offer for Direct Talks with Israel Falls on Deaf Ears

A fireball erupts from the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted a building in the southern Lebanese village of Abbasiyeh on March 13, 2026. (AFP)
A fireball erupts from the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted a building in the southern Lebanese village of Abbasiyeh on March 13, 2026. (AFP)
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Report: Lebanon’s Offer for Direct Talks with Israel Falls on Deaf Ears

A fireball erupts from the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted a building in the southern Lebanese village of Abbasiyeh on March 13, 2026. (AFP)
A fireball erupts from the site of an Israeli airstrike that targeted a building in the southern Lebanese village of Abbasiyeh on March 13, 2026. (AFP)

Israel has rebuffed a historic offer of direct talks from Lebanon, deeming it too little too late from a government that shares its goal of disarming Hezbollah but cannot act against the heavily armed Lebanese group without risking a civil war.

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun expressed the state's willingness to begin direct negotiations with Israel this week, seeking to secure an end to the conflict that erupted on March 2 when Hezbollah entered the regional war in support of its patron Iran.

Two sources familiar with Aoun's position said he has begun appointing a negotiating delegation and in some private meetings, he went as far as to say he was ready to move toward normalizing ties.

"Everything is on the table," a third source familiar with his position told Reuters, when asked about normalization.

The Lebanese state's stance reflects unprecedented levels of domestic opposition to Hezbollah's status as an armed group: the government last week banned the group from military activities.

But with Hezbollah still wielding a powerful arsenal and backed by a significant portion of Lebanon's Shiite community, carrying out the order ‌is easier said than ‌done for a fragile Lebanese state now facing one of its most precarious moments since the 1975-90 ‌civil ⁠war.

On Friday, Aoun ⁠told United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres that he had not received a response to his offer, according to a statement from the presidency.

LEBANON SEEN AS LACKING CREDIBILITY

Just a few years ago, such an offer from a Lebanese president would have been a major diplomatic overture - and a chance for the United States to claim success in ending nearly 80 years of hostilities between the two countries.

But Aoun's proposal generated little interest from either Israeli or US officials, according to the two sources, a Lebanese official and two foreign officials.

The sources all said Lebanon's inability to rein in Hezbollah over the last year and prevent the group's March 2 attack left Beirut with little credibility and nothing tangible to offer at a negotiating table.

Israel's Foreign ⁠Minister Gideon Saar told the Times of Israel this week that his country was ready for ‌dialogue with the Lebanese government to normalize ties.

"But the current problem is that dialogue with ‌the Lebanese government cannot stop the fire from Lebanese territory," he said.

Israel's ambassador to the United Nations Danny Danon told the UN Security Council this week ‌that Israel could not negotiate with Lebanon "while rockets are flying into our northern border."

"The time has come to decide: will Lebanon stick ‌to declarations or actually act?" he said.

Lebanon's presidency, Israel's foreign ministry and the office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu did not immediately respond to requests for comment.

A State Department spokesperson said the US government regularly communicates with its Lebanese counterparts and does not comment on private diplomatic communications.

US SEES WINDOW AS CLOSED, OFFICIAL SAYS

Over the last year, Lebanese authorities have been treading carefully to confiscate the group's weapons in the country's south.

The moves would have previously been unimaginable, ‌when Hezbollah was at the zenith of its power and exercised immense sway over Lebanon's multi-sectarian political system.

The measures have had mixed results.

Hezbollah was still able to spend months re-arming, even stationing new ⁠rockets in southern Lebanon as the ⁠Lebanese army said it had secured full operational control of the area.

After the new war started, Lebanese authorities detained around 50 people for carrying arms without a license in southern Lebanon and near Beirut, Lebanese security sources told Reuters, saying the detained men were suspected of being Hezbollah members.

But several were swiftly released after paying a small fine, the sources said.

When Lebanon tried to reach out to US officials this week to make the offer on negotiations, they were rebuffed, a Lebanese official said.

"They said that 2025 was our window to confront Hezbollah and we didn't, so there's nothing they can do now," the official said.

Three people familiar with US policymaking on the Middle East told Reuters that Washington also had little bandwidth to deal with Lebanon given its current war on Iran and was allowing Israel to deal with Lebanon as it saw fit.

WAR WITH ISRAEL, OR WAR AT HOME

Israel still wants to see Lebanese troops dismantle Hezbollah's rocket and drone launch sites and seize the group's weapons, Danon told the Security Council.

The army has avoided directly confronting Hezbollah, worried about inflaming tensions with the Shiite community and fracturing the army, which split during Lebanon's 15-year civil war.

"That is the problem: Lebanon cannot deliver. And I understand that. This is a multi-sectarian society and Lebanon cannot afford to declare war on a community," the Carnegie Middle East Center's Michael Young told Reuters.