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Saada Houthis Exclude their Coup Partners from Sanaa Talks

Part of the meetings of the Saudi and Omani delegations with the Houthis in Sanaa (AFP)
Part of the meetings of the Saudi and Omani delegations with the Houthis in Sanaa (AFP)
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Saada Houthis Exclude their Coup Partners from Sanaa Talks

Part of the meetings of the Saudi and Omani delegations with the Houthis in Sanaa (AFP)
Part of the meetings of the Saudi and Omani delegations with the Houthis in Sanaa (AFP)

A state of anger prevails among Yemeni political leaders who are nominally partners with the Houthis after they have been excluded from the consultations led by the Saudi and Omani delegations, according to political sources in Sanaa.

Saudi and Omani delegations arrived in Sanaa last Sunday for talks with Houthi officials seeking a permanent ceasefire.

They aimed to finalize the draft of a peace agreement to expand the truce and include new items such as paying public wages, unifying the currency, and establishing a negotiating path that ends the conflict.

The sources confirmed that leaders of the General People's Congress and other officials were not pleased that they were not included in the meetings.

Photos from the meetings showed the Saudi and Omani delegations in the Republican Palace in Sanaa with Houthi representatives from Saada and another official.

During past meetings in the Palace, the group excluded the head of its coup government, Abdulaziz bin Habtoor, its foreign minister, Hisham Sharaf, its parliament speaker, Yahya al-Ra'i, and leaders from other parties.

It showed that the Houthi officials from Saada controlled the group and seized most of its financial resources.

Activists and Congress party members criticized senior leaders, demanding a response from the officials who were excluded from the meetings.

Partisan activists in Sanaa asserted that the Houthi "Saada wing" controls the group's decisions, adding that these leaders do not believe in dialogue and do not accept national partnership.

Congress party member and lawmaker Abdulrahman Saleh Maazeb strongly criticized the group's move against its allies, noting that the party leaders were excluded from the reception of the Saudi and Omani delegations, even if only formally, despite being the group's equal partners.

Activists loyal to the group in Sana' expressed their deep dissatisfaction with the "deliberate exclusion" of Sanaa leaders and coup partners from attending the talks.

One of the politicians loyal to the group addressed its Saada leaders in a statement, saying they have proven their "racism and regionalism."

Yemeni activists expressed their disapproval of the militia's exclusion of other "active" leaders and coup partners, such as the head of the coup government, the leader Abdulaziz bin Habtoor, the head of the Congress-Sanaa wing, Sadiq Amin Abu Ras, the coup's foreign minister Hisham Sharaf, the coup speaker, Yahya al-Rai, and the head of the coup's advisory council, Mohammad al-Aidarous.

Local reports indicated that the Houthi militia prevented the Foreign Minister of its unrecognized government, Hisham Sharaf, was also excluded from the meeting. Instead, the deputy minister Hussein al-Ezzi, regionally affiliated with Saada and a descendant of the Houthi leader, attended the talks.

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Will Lebanon Finally Elect a President after a 2-year Vacuum?

A ballot box is displayed inside the parliament building, a day ahead of Lebanon's parliament's attempt to elect a new head of state in downtown Beirut, Lebanon, January 8, 2025. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
A ballot box is displayed inside the parliament building, a day ahead of Lebanon's parliament's attempt to elect a new head of state in downtown Beirut, Lebanon, January 8, 2025. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
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Will Lebanon Finally Elect a President after a 2-year Vacuum?

A ballot box is displayed inside the parliament building, a day ahead of Lebanon's parliament's attempt to elect a new head of state in downtown Beirut, Lebanon, January 8, 2025. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir
A ballot box is displayed inside the parliament building, a day ahead of Lebanon's parliament's attempt to elect a new head of state in downtown Beirut, Lebanon, January 8, 2025. REUTERS/Mohamed Azakir

Lebanon's parliament is set to convene Thursday to attempt to elect a head of state for the 13th time during a presidential vacuum that's lasted over two years. This time, analysts said, they might succeed.
The session comes weeks after a tenuous ceasefire agreement halted a 14-month conflict between Israel and the Lebanese militant group Hezbollah, and as Lebanon's leaders seek international assistance for reconstruction, The Associated Press said.
The primary contenders for the presidency include the Lebanese army's commander, Joseph Aoun, who is widely seen as the preferred candidate of the United States and Saudi Arabia. The candidate previously supported by Hezbollah, Suleiman Franjieh, on Wednesday announced he was pulling out of the race and endorsed Aoun.
The Lebanese military has a key role in sustaining the ceasefire, as its forces are tasked with ensuring that Hezbollah pulls its fighters and weapons out of southern Lebanon.
Here's why the vacuum has dragged on for so long and what to expect Thursday:
Why has it taken so long to elect a president? Lebanon's fractious sectarian power-sharing system is prone to deadlock, both for political and procedural reasons. The small, crisis-battered Mediterranean country has been through several extended presidential vacancies, with the longest lasting nearly 2 1/2 years between May 2014 and October 2016. It ended when former President Michel Aoun was elected.
Aoun’s Free Patriotic Movement party was at the time the main Christian ally of the Shiite political party and Hezbollah, although their alliance has since fractured.
After Aoun's term ended in October 2022, Hezbollah backed Franjieh, leader of the Marada Movement, a political party with a strong influence in northern Lebanon. Frangieh also had close ties with former Syrian president Bashar Assad.
While Joseph Aoun — no relation to the former president — never officially announced his candidacy, he was widely understood to be the main rival to Franjieh. Meanwhile, political factions opposed to Hezbollah put forward a series of candidates.
The last presidential vote in parliament in June 2023 broke down after the bloc led by Hezbollah withdrew following the first round of voting, where Franjieh came in behind the opposition candidate, Jihad Azour. The withdrawal broke the quorum in the 128-member house.
Michael Young, a senior editor at the Malcolm H. Kerr Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut, said the current election “has taken a long time simply because parliament, reflecting the reality of the country, is very divided, and actually did not respect the constitutional provisions to hold electoral session open until a president was elected.”
The situation was exacerbated because parliamentary Speaker Nabih Berri, a Hezbollah ally, used parliamentary rules “more as an instrument of blockage than an instrument of consensus,” lifting sessions whenever he “did not want a majority to develop around the candidacies he did not support,” Young said.
Imad Salamey, a political science professor at the Lebanese American University in Beirut, noted that “Lebanon’s dependence on foreign support means external agreements often determine presidential outcomes.”
During the current impasse, a five-member committee consisting of the United States, France, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Qatar has held a series of meetings aimed at negotiating an end to the presidential vacuum.
Who are the main contenders? — Army commander Joseph Aoun, 60, is widely seen as the frontrunner to become Lebanon’s next president, particularly since Franjieh's withdrawal.
Aoun was appointed to the current post in March 2017 and had been set to retire in January 2024, but his term was extended twice during the Israel-Hezbollah conflict.
Aoun, who has kept a low profile and avoided media appearances, never formally announced his candidacy but is widely seen as the preferred candidate of the United States, which provides significant financial support to the Lebanese army.
Lebanon’s constitution technically bars a sitting army chief from becoming president. The ban has been waived before, but it means that Aoun faces additional procedural hurdles.
Under normal circumstances, a presidential candidate in Lebanon can be elected by a two-thirds majority in the first round of voting or by a simple majority in the second round if there is no winner in the first round. But because of the constitutional issues surrounding his election, Aoun would need a two-thirds majority even in the second round.
— Jihad Azour, who has been backed by factions opposed to Hezbollah, is a prominent economist who has served as the director of the Middle East and Central Asia Department at the International Monetary Fund since 2017. As finance minister from 2005 to 2008, he led some reforms including modernizing the tax and customs systems.
— Elias al-Baysari is the acting head of Lebanon's General Security agency, which is responsible for border control and historically seen as close to Hezbollah. His career in national security began in 1986 when he joined the Lebanese army. His early roles included key positions within Beirut’s port security and the army’s intelligence division. In 2005, al-Baysari joined General Security. He also holds a doctorate in law.
What are the chances a president will be elected Thursday? The withdrawal of Franjieh likely means “the deal is done” and Aoun will likely be elected, Young said.
The dynamics have changed since the last failed parliamentary vote.
“Hezbollah is in a weaker position due to escalating tensions with Israel, challenges in Syria and domestic discontent,” Salamey said. “It now needs the protection of a functioning state to rebuild and attract international aid.”
According to Young, “Lebanon today is effectively under some sort of foreign trusteeship.”
Lebanon needs American support to “contain Israeli actions” and ensure that Israel withdraws its forces from southern Lebanon as stipulated in the ceasefire, he said, while Saudi Arabia is “the key to Gulf funding for Lebanon’s reconstruction, particularly of Shiite areas. Iran does not have the means to rebuild what was destroyed by Israel in the recent conflict.”