Sudan's Burhan, Hemedti… a Violent End to an Old Friendship

Commander of the Rapid Support Forces, Mohammad "Hemedti" Dagalo and army commander Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan. (AFP)
Commander of the Rapid Support Forces, Mohammad "Hemedti" Dagalo and army commander Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan. (AFP)
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Sudan's Burhan, Hemedti… a Violent End to an Old Friendship

Commander of the Rapid Support Forces, Mohammad "Hemedti" Dagalo and army commander Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan. (AFP)
Commander of the Rapid Support Forces, Mohammad "Hemedti" Dagalo and army commander Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan. (AFP)

The armed conflict that erupted on Saturday between the Sudanese army, led by Lt. Gen. Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) headed by Lt. Gen. Mohammad "Hemedti" Dagalo, ended an old friendship and cooperation between the two men, which had started with the beginning of the conflict in the Darfur region in 2003 during the rule of ousted President Omar al-Bashir.

At that time, Hemedti formed a small army to confront armed movements in the region that were resisting the Bashir regime. Thus, he gained the president’s support. Burhan, for his part, was coordinating the army’s operations in Darfur, and started to work closely with Hemedti.

The size of Hemedti’s forces grew over time and became affiliated with the army, while maintaining a kind of independence in their leadership and operations.

This relationship strengthened in April 2019, under the pressure of the massive popular revolution that demanded the fall of Bashir’s regime. The two men agreed to overthrow the president, who was supported by the Muslim Brotherhood, and to form a military council to rule the country.

The third stage in their relationship began shortly after the coup that they orchestrated against the civilian government in October 2021, when Burhan assigned figures of the Bashir regime to key positions. Hemedti objected to the move, sparking resentment among the Islamists, who always considered him a “traitor” because he “stabbed Bashir in the back.”

The disagreement in political positions gradually developed between them, sometimes emerging in the media through indirect statements or sharp accusations.

However, the failure to form a government and the deterioration of the economic and security situation in the country, prompted the various military and civilian parties to sign a framework agreement in December 2022, which was widely accepted by civilians and important and influential parties from the international and regional communities.

Although Burhan and Hemedti signed the agreement, which provides for the transfer of power to civilians and the return of the military to their barracks, a new and stronger conflict emerged between the army and the RSF over the implementation of one of the provisions related to military reform and the integration of the Rapid Support Forces into the army.

A war of words escalated between the two sides, with the deputy head of the Rapid Support Forces, Abdel-Rahim Dagalo (Hemedti’s brother), directly addressing the army commanders who control power in the country and saying: “Our message to our brothers in the ruling authority is to hand over power to the people without further stalling.”

He added: "From now on, we will not allow the killing of young demonstrators or the arrest of politicians. We have been silent for a long time, and we don’t want to become a reason for what is happening, but we will not abandon or go back on the basic principles that unite the Sudanese people."

In response, Burhan reiterated that the integration of the RSF into the army was a necessary condition for implementing the framework agreement.

The dispute over the agreement escalated and turned into an exchange of accusations, culminating in the withdrawal of the Sudanese army and military forces from a security and military reform workshop.

Hemedti considered that the army was attempting to disrupt the implementation of the agreement and to prevent the formation of a civilian government, in order to stay in power.

The crisis reached its climax at the airport in the northern city of Merowe, near the air base of the Sudanese army, when the RSF deployed a large number of vehicles and soldiers near the base, claiming to defend their troops against any potential aircraft strikes.

Sources had told Asharq Al-Awsat that a meeting that included Burhan, Hemedti, the international forces supporting the civil transition, and the signatories to the framework agreement, decided to defuse the crisis by providing assurances to the RSF, and removing the aircraft from the air base. But the army did not abide by the agreement, prompting Hemedti to order his forces coming from the west to continue the march to both Merowe and Khartoum and deploy there.

The situation remained severely tense throughout the past week. Mediation led by multiple parties ended with an announcement that a meeting between the two men would take place over the weekend. But instead, the fighting erupted, confirming the Sudanese people’s fear of an imminent outbreak of violence.



War-battered Gaza Faces Uphill Battle Against Polio

An UNRWA employee on September 9, 2020 provides polio and rotavirus vaccines for children at a clinic in Bureij refugee camp, central Gaza - AFP
An UNRWA employee on September 9, 2020 provides polio and rotavirus vaccines for children at a clinic in Bureij refugee camp, central Gaza - AFP
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War-battered Gaza Faces Uphill Battle Against Polio

An UNRWA employee on September 9, 2020 provides polio and rotavirus vaccines for children at a clinic in Bureij refugee camp, central Gaza - AFP
An UNRWA employee on September 9, 2020 provides polio and rotavirus vaccines for children at a clinic in Bureij refugee camp, central Gaza - AFP

The Gaza Strip's first recorded polio case in 25 years has health workers and aid agencies grappling with the steep obstacles to conducting mass vaccination in the war-torn Palestinian territory.

Unrelenting airstrikes by Israel more than 10 months into its war against Hamas, restrictions of aid entering the besieged territory and hot summer temperatures all threaten the viability of a life-saving inoculation drive.

Still, equipment to support the extensive campaign -- which UN agencies say could start on August 31 -- has already arrived in the region.

The Palestinian health ministry in the occupied West Bank said last week that tests in Jordan had confirmed polio in an unvaccinated 10-month-old baby from central Gaza, AFP reported.

According to the United Nations, Gaza had not registered a case for 25 years, although type 2 poliovirus was detected in samples collected from the territory's wastewater in June.

Poliovirus is highly infectious, and most often spread through sewage and contaminated water -- an increasingly common problem in Gaza as the Israel-Hamas war drags on.

The disease mainly affects children under the age of five. It can cause deformities and paralysis, and is potentially fatal.
UN bodies the World Health Organization (WHO) and children's agency UNICEF say the have detailed plans to vaccinate 640,000 children across Gaza.

But a major challenge remains Israel's devastating military campaign, after Hamas's October 7 attack.

"It's extremely difficult to undertake a vaccination campaign of this scale and volume under a sky full of air strikes," said Juliette Touma, director of communications for the UN agency for Palestinian refugees, UNRWA.

Under the UN plan, 2,700 health workers in 708 teams would take part, with the WHO overseeing the effort, said Richard Peeperkorn, the agency's representative in the Palestinian territories.
UNICEF would ensure the cold supply chain as vaccines are brought into and distributed across Gaza, spokesman Jonathan Crickx said.

Cold chain components including refrigerators arrived Wednesday at Israel's main international airport.

Some 1.6 million doses of the oral vaccine would follow, and are expected to enter Gaza on Sunday via the Kerem Shalom crossing, Crickx said.

The UN agencies plan to administer two doses each for about 95 percent of children under 10 in Gaza, according to Crickx. Surplus doses would cover expected losses to heat or other causes.

While Israel has repeatedly dismissed claims it was blocking aid into Gaza, relief workers have long complained of the many obstacles they face in getting supplies into the territory, which has suffered severe shortages of everything from fuel and medical equipment to food.

And once in Gaza, fighting, widespread devastation and crumbling infrastructure all complicate delivery and safe access.

Touma, who worked on polio response during wars in Iraq and Syria, said that "the return of polio to a place where it's been eradicated says quite a lot."

Israel's military campaign since October 7 has killed at least 40,223 people in Gaza.

Gaza's health care system has been decimated, with "only 16 out of 36 hospitals... still functioning, and only partially," Crickx said.

Out of those, only 11 facilities are capable of maintaining the cold chain, he added.

The vaccines would first be kept at a UN storage space in central Gaza, and then distributed to public and private health facilities as well as UNRWA shelters "hopefully by refrigerated trucks if we can find some, otherwise by cold boxes" filled with ice packs, Crickx said.
Many Gazans now live in makeshift camps or UNRWA schools, making them hard to reach, said Moussa Abed, director of primary health care at the Gaza health ministry.

Nearly all of the territory's 2.4 million people have been displaced at least once during the war.

UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has called for two seven-day breaks in the war to administer doses.

Abed said that "without a safe environment for the vaccination campaign, we will not be able to reach 95 percent of the children under the age of 10, which is the goal of this campaign."