75 Years After the Nakba, Palestinians Still Long for Return

A woman holds a key symbolizing the homes left by Palestinians in 1948, during a rally along the border east of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on May 1, 2023 marking the 75th anniversary of the Nakba. (AFP)
A woman holds a key symbolizing the homes left by Palestinians in 1948, during a rally along the border east of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on May 1, 2023 marking the 75th anniversary of the Nakba. (AFP)
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75 Years After the Nakba, Palestinians Still Long for Return

A woman holds a key symbolizing the homes left by Palestinians in 1948, during a rally along the border east of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on May 1, 2023 marking the 75th anniversary of the Nakba. (AFP)
A woman holds a key symbolizing the homes left by Palestinians in 1948, during a rally along the border east of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza Strip on May 1, 2023 marking the 75th anniversary of the Nakba. (AFP)

From her modest home in the blockaded Gaza Strip, Amina al-Dabai remembers the very different world in which she grew up more than seven decades ago.

Born in 1934, Dabai was still only a child when Israel was created on May 14, 1948.

Now she is one of 5.9 million Palestinian refugees living in the occupied West Bank, the Gaza Strip, Jordan, Lebanon and Syria according to the United Nations.

They are descendants of more than 760,000 Palestinians who fled or were expelled from their homes 75 years ago.

The event is known by Palestinians as the Nakba, or "catastrophe", during which more than 600 communities were destroyed or depopulated by Jewish forces, according to the Israeli organization Zochrot.

The memory of the Nakba, which is commemorated on May 15, has become a rallying point for the Palestinian quest for statehood.

It falls a day after Israel declared statehood in 1948, prompting an invasion by five Arab armies which the young nation defeated.

Ahead of the anniversary, AFP spoke to eight Palestinians in their 80s and 90s who were exiled during the Nakba to the Gaza Strip.

Soldiers in disguise

Dabai recalled the day "Jewish soldiers in disguise" arrived in her hometown of Lydda, now known as Lod in central Israel.

Because the fighters' faces were covered in keffiyehs, a scarf that has come to symbolize the Palestinian struggle, locals thought they were reinforcements sent from Jordan.

People were so delighted they "rushed for the fountain" in the town center to celebrate.

But realizing the soldiers were Jews, they "fled into the mosque and their homes".

"They (soldiers) stormed the mosque and killed everyone inside," she added. "I was young and saw it with my own eyes."

Planned deportation, expulsion or voluntary exile? A massacre of hundreds of civilians and unarmed fighters in a conflict where both sides were guilty of atrocities?

The events of July 12 to 13, 1948, during the capture of Lod by Israeli forces, remain the subject of debate and intense controversy even to this day.

One thing seems certain: the town was emptied of almost all of its 30,000 Arab residents practically overnight.

Following the war, the West Bank fell under Jordanian rule while Gaza was controlled by Egypt.

"We lived comfortably" until that point, recalled Dabai, as she reminisced about children playing on swings, the central market, and the trickling of water from a large fountain surrounded by shops.

But she is bitter about what she lost: "We were a weak country and we did not have powerful weapons."

The day after the disguised soldiers arrived, she said, they returned with orders -- leave Lod, or be killed.

"We said we don't want to leave. They said they would kill us. So all the poor people left, and we were among them," said Dabai.

The family fled on foot, walking for several days until they reached the town of Bir Zeit, near Ramallah in the West Bank, then moving on towards Egypt.

But the journey was too expensive and so the family settled in Gaza instead.

Like many, they were sure they would be back soon.

Only after the Oslo Accords established the Palestinian Authority in the 1990s did Dabai manage to obtain a permit to visit her old neighborhood in Lod.

"I put my hand on the wall of our house and said: 'my love, my grandfather's house, is destroyed, and our neighbors' homes are inhabited by Jews'", she said.

She told AFP she would not accept any compensation for the home, and no longer expected to return, but insisted that "future generations will liberate the country and return".

"No one was filming the massacres and what was happening, in the way we do today," she added, her voice breaking.

'They surrounded the village'

Umm Jaber Wishah was born in 1932 in the village of Beit Affa, near Ashkelon in what is now southern Israel.

Decades later, with her greying hair covered by a white shawl, she painfully recounts how things were initially peaceful.

When Jews first came to the area of the village, "they did not harm us and we didn't harm them," she told AFP from her home in the Bureij refugee camp in the central Gaza Strip.

"The Arabs worked for them (Jews) without problems, in safety," she added.

Yet the coexistence did not last long. She remembers the day in May 1948 that it shattered.

"I was baking bread, and they surrounded the village," she said, fighting back tears.

"They (Jewish soldiers) began besieging the village from the eastern side, and we hid from the shooting until the next day."

"The men were tied up and were then taken prisoner, the children were screaming," she said.

According to Zochrot, Beit Affa was taken by Jewish forces the first time in July 1948 for a few days. During this period the residents in all likelihood left, ahead of the village's decisive capture later that year.

As in Palestinian refugee camps across the region, Bureij has long since traded temporary tents for more permanent structures of brick and wood. But many displaced still live in poverty.

Wishah, a wooden walking stick resting against her leg, said her Bureij home "means nothing".

"Even if they gave me the whole Gaza Strip in exchange for my homeland, I wouldn't accept it. My village is Beit Affa."

Rusty keys

Ibtihaj Dola, from the coastal city of Jaffa, also remembers living side-by-side with Jews before Israel was established.

One of her relatives through marriage was Jewish and the city's large Jewish minority "could speak Arabic", said the 88-year-old.

Dola remembered returning home from school one day to find her family packing and preparing to flee.

They boarded a boat for Egypt. She was still wearing her school uniform.

"I know Jaffa inch by inch," she said, fiddling with four rusty keys at her bedside in Gaza's Al-Shati refugee camp.

After the Oslo Accords she found an opportunity to return to Jaffa, where she discovered a Jewish woman was living in her house.

"We drank tea together and I started crying," she said, realizing the woman was not interested in the fate of the previous owners.

Many of those who were displaced assumed it would just be temporary. They locked their front doors and took large metal keys with them.

Those keys today have become a symbol of their plight and their over-riding demand to return. In many homes, these keys are kept safely in a locked box under a bed, or memorialized in drawings and embroidery.

Israel claims Palestinians left voluntarily during the fighting and has repeatedly rejected claims its forces may have been responsible for war crimes.

It has steadfastly denied Palestinians the right to return -- often a sticking point in peace talks -- claiming it would be tantamount to a demographic surrender of the state's Jewish nature.

In 2011, after demonstrators marking Nakba day clashed with police, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu accused the participants of "questioning the very existence of Israel".

Recognition of the Nakba is strongly rejected by Israelis, according to Zochrot which works to raise awareness of this period in history.

According to the organization, Israelis "are taught a false, greatly distorted but convincing narrative of 'a land without a people for a people without a land'."

'Injustice does not last'

Hassan al-Kilani, born in 1934 in Burayr village just north of the Gaza Strip, said he would only accept compensation if there was a political agreement.

"We, Arabs and Palestinians, cannot match the strength of Israel, let's be realistic," he said, wearing a crisp white headscarf.

"We resist, but our resistance is limited compared to our enemy," he added.

Kilani, a former construction worker, sketched a plan of Burayr, noting the name of each family, plot by plot.

The drawing now hangs on the wall of his living room, a constant reminder of the village where he grew up.

"Everyone who remained in the country was killed... even livestock, camels and cows," he said.

On another wall of the living room, a key is hung, symbolizing the longed-for return.

"Injustice does not last," he added, but acknowledged, "I am old. How many years do I have left to live?"



Mohammed bin Salman in Nine Years: Domestic Growth and Global Engagement

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).
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Mohammed bin Salman in Nine Years: Domestic Growth and Global Engagement

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman receives the pledge of allegiance as crown prince at Al-Safa Palace in Makkah(SPA).

Nine years have passed since the royal decree issued by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Salman bin Abdulaziz, appointing Prince Mohammed bin Salman as crown prince.

The prince’s presence in a leadership role that reflects the pulse and ambitions of Saudi youth, alongside the guidance of the king, helped launch a domestic vision that accelerated economic and social development while strengthening Saudi Arabia’s position as a leading actor in addressing the region’s shifting landscape, in addition to expanding its global reach and influence.

Fundamental transformations

Over the years, the Kingdom has witnessed turning points marked by positive developments and fundamental transformations. These were not merely superficial changes, but efforts to shape new directions that redefine the concept of success in the 21st century. The objective extended beyond change within Saudi Arabia itself to efforts aimed at shifting the broader region from conflict toward development.

Among the latest manifestations of that approach has been work to calm several regional conflicts and create opportunities for peace. In parallel, Saudi Arabia has become an influential international destination on the global map, according to numerous studies, commentaries, and research addressing major international issues and regional transformations.

As a result, the Kingdom has hosted dozens of summits and hundreds of high-level meetings on key global issues, particularly political ones. The king and crown prince have also met a large number of world leaders, with nearly 120 visits recorded in recent years.

From an early stage, the Saudi crown prince led a drive to expand the Kingdom’s engagement with the world on multiple fronts, including economic and cultural ties. Political openness has also emerged as a defining feature of recent years, reaching levels not previously seen in Saudi Arabia or the wider region.

Many observers say that Riyadh’s policies under the leadership of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman in recent years have strengthened the Kingdom’s role in complex international issues and helped bring various parties to the negotiating table, including through efforts to promote peace through dialogue.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and the Chinese president during one of his visits to Saudi Arabia (SPA).

International standing

Over the past decade, Saudi Arabia has been the only Middle Eastern country to host the leaders of the United States, China and Russia within a span of just a few months, despite intensifying geopolitical tensions worldwide.

This period has been marked by a series of global crises, from the war in Ukraine and trade and economic disputes to the war in Gaza and tensions across the Middle East. The developments have positioned Saudi Arabia as a key actor influencing international policies, reflected in the scale, number and level of diplomatic visits and consultations with the Kingdom, particularly since the outbreak of the war in Gaza, as well as the international summits and meetings held on Saudi soil aimed at achieving peace.

International mediation

Saudi diplomacy has also played an active role in recent years. Under the direction of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, who also serves as prime minister, the Kingdom hosted US-Ukrainian talks as part of efforts to address the crisis, drawing on its balanced relations with various parties.

These efforts also included meetings in Diriyah and Jeddah last year involving the United States, Russia and Ukraine. The initiatives reflect an increasingly international orientation in Saudi foreign policy centered on peace efforts, ceasefires and ending wars, including continued mediation initiatives and promoting dialogue as a primary solution during the Russia-Ukraine crisis.

Saudi Arabia has also directed the provision of multiple forms of humanitarian assistance and relief support, as well as mediation efforts aimed at securing the release of prisoners.

Commenting on those efforts, Michael Mitchell, a regional spokesperson for the US State Department, previously told Asharq Al-Awsat that the world had become closer than ever to reaching a ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine following negotiations hosted by Saudi Arabia. He expressed Washington’s appreciation for the Kingdom’s role in advancing ongoing diplomatic efforts and hosting key talks, while reaffirming the US commitment to working with all relevant parties to achieve lasting peace in Ukraine.

The Palestinian issue

The Palestinian issue has witnessed diplomatic momentum described as unprecedented in decades. In recent months and years, Saudi Arabia has pushed many countries to recognize a Palestinian state, bringing the total number of recognizing states to 149, according to the Palestinian Foreign Ministry.

The Saudi crown prince has also reiterated the Kingdom’s position that normalization with Israel would not proceed without the establishment of a Palestinian state. Saudi Arabia has hosted Arab and Islamic countries in Riyadh on two consecutive occasions to unify positions and increase pressure on the international community.

The Kingdom also chaired the committee formed by the summit, led an international coalition supporting the two-state solution, and presided over an international conference on the issue in New York.

In remarks previously made to Asharq Al-Awsat, Palestinian Prime Minister Mohammad Mustafa praised what he described as “Saudi Arabia’s firm positions, which contributed to shaping international consensus toward recognizing a Palestinian state and providing all possible support, given that its realization within the framework of a two-state solution represents the foundation of peace, security and stability in the Middle East.”

Supporting Syria’s recovery

The Kingdom began expanding its support for Syria after it announced in late December 2025 that a Saudi delegation led by an adviser to the Royal Court had visited Damascus and met with Ahmad Al-Sharaa, then the “leader of the new administration” and now Syria's president.

Saudi air and land bridges continued to deliver aid to the Syrian people, alongside humanitarian, medical and development projects. By the end of last year, those projects had increased by more than 100 percent compared with 2024, reaching more than 103 initiatives with a total cost approaching $100 million.

Saudi Arabia also welcomed Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa three times during the year. The Kingdom pushed for the lifting of US sanctions on Syria, which the US president announced from Riyadh in May at the request of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman.

Additional support included paying roughly $15 million in Syrian debt to the World Bank and covering part of Syrian government employees’ salaries through a joint initiative with Qatar and the United Nations.

Regional initiatives

Saudi diplomatic initiatives have also extended to multiple regional crises. These include efforts to end the Yemeni crisis and hosting Yemeni parties, including southern groups, while facilitating the first consultative meeting on the southern issue and providing a framework for dialogue on the matter this year.

Saudi Arabia also supported evacuation operations in Sudan, hosted the Jeddah platform on Sudan, and continued humanitarian assistance. More recently, high-level Saudi-US discussions led by the Saudi crown prince and the US president have focused on efforts to resolve the Sudanese crisis.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Riyadh in December 2023 (SPA).

Summits and consensus

Alongside its expanding regional and international role, Saudi Arabia has also played a significant role on the Arab and Islamic fronts during the nine years since Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman assumed his position.

Under his direction, the Kingdom hosted seven Arab and Islamic summits between 2018 and 2024. These included the Dhahran Arab Summit in April 2018, the Makkah Summit in Support of Jordan in June 2018, the Emergency Arab Summit in Makkah in May 2019, the Arab-China Summit in December 2022, the Jeddah Arab Summit in May 2023, the Joint Arab-Islamic Extraordinary Summit in November 2023, and a follow-up summit in November 2024.

Last year, Saudi Arabia also strengthened its defense and strategic capabilities through a defense agreement with Pakistan stipulating that any attack on either country would be considered an attack on both. The Kingdom also signed a defense agreement with Washington during a historic visit to the United States in November 2025, in addition to expanding cooperation with major international powers including China, Russia and European countries.

Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and Donald Trump in Washington in November 2025 (SPA).

“A great dawn” in relations with the United States

US President Donald Trump praised the leadership of the Saudi crown prince, saying, “The Saudi crown prince best represents our strong allies,” and adding that “a great dawn” awaits the Middle East.

Trump also described Saudi Arabia as “the heart and center of the world,” and said Riyadh was on track to become a global business hub.

During the crown prince’s visit to Washington late last year, the two countries signed a wide-ranging package of agreements that included a strategic defense agreement, the Kingdom’s second defense agreement signed in 2025, along with a package of defense sales, cooperation in civilian nuclear energy, a strategic partnership in artificial intelligence, a framework for securing supply chains for uranium and minerals, and measures to accelerate investment.

The US president also announced the designation of Saudi Arabia as a major non-NATO ally and praised Saudi negotiating capabilities, describing the Saudis as “great negotiators.”


How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
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How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)

Iran's latest internet blackout has lasted more than 14 days, connectivity monitor Netblocks said Friday.

The nature of the limits on internet activity shows "this is a government-imposed measure" and not the result of damage from US and Israeli airstrikes, Netblocks research chief Isik Mater told AFP.

"It is a deliberate shutdown imposed by the authorities to suppress the flow of information and prevent further dissent," said Raha Bahreini, Iran researcher at Amnesty International.

Here are some of the ways information is still flowing in and out of Iran.

- Shortwave radio -

Amsterdam-based nonprofit Radio Zamaneh began shortwave broadcasts during the January protests, sending a nightly Farsi news program from 11:00 pm Tehran time.

"It's really difficult for the regime to jam shortwave because it's a long-distance broadcast," executive director Rieneke van Santen told AFP.

"People can just listen on a super cheap, small, simple radio... It's one of those typical emergency fall-back solutions."

Declining to specify where the transmitter is located, she said it is "closer to the Netherlands than to Iran" -- although Tehran "can figure it out" if they choose.

- Phone calls -

Many with ties to Iran are still receiving landline phone calls from inside -- "quite surprising" given the internet blackout, said Mahsa Alimardani of global rights organization Witness.

Fearing the authorities listening in, people often avoid speaking directly about political topics, such as the killing of Ali Khamenei, she added.

"It's not possible to communicate about sensitive issues through these brief phone calls," Amnesty's Bahreini said.

The required prepaid international calling cards are expensive and often fail to provide their face value in minutes.

"You buy a phone card for 60 minutes, but in eight minutes, it's out," van Santen said.

"It's really just phone calls from family members saying, after the bombing, we're still alive."

- VPN or other internet services -

Virtual private networks (VPNs) -- widely-used services that encrypt internet traffic -- can't create an internet connection where none is available.

But even at around one percent of typical levels, Iran's connectivity is "still a large figure in absolute terms", Netblocks' Mater said.

Iranians suspected of using VPNs since the war began have received warning text messages claiming to be from the authorities.

Before the war, millions turned to Toronto-based company Psiphon, which creates specialist tools more capable than typical "off-the-shelf" VPNs.

Offering techniques including disguising users' data as different types of internet traffic, Psiphon "is able to evade detection more successfully", data and insights director Keith McManamen told AFP.

With up to six million unique daily users in Iran before the latest internet shutdown, connections have now tumbled to fewer than 100,000.

Few but the most tech-savvy users can reach Psiphon's network for now.

Nevertheless, "the situation is extremely dynamic. We're seeing changes not just day to day, but hour by hour," McManamen said.

A similar service, US-based Lantern, is also widely used in Iran.

- Satellite broadcasts -

Created by US-based nonprofit NetFreedom Pioneers, Toosheh is a "filecasting" technology using home satellite TV equipment to broadcast encrypted data to people in Iran.

Users record from the Toosheh satellite TV channel onto a USB stick plugged into their set-top box, which they can then decrypt using a special app installed on their phone or computer.

From that initial download, the data can be copied and shared across multiple households.

The group estimated around three million active users in Iran across 2025, with "thousands to hundreds of thousands... since the (internet) shutdown in January," the group's director of projects Emilia James told AFP.

From its usual educational repertoire ranging from English lessons to news, content these days includes more on "personal safety and digital security... helping people to stay safe," she added.

Since people are tuning in to a broadcast signal, there is no way for the government to track them, she added.

- Starlink -

Elon Musk-owned satellite internet service Starlink was used during this year's protests to get information out, while the government attempted to jam its signals.

At around $2,000 on Iran's black market, the terminals are expensive and very rare in poorer regions like Balochistan or Kurdistan that have suffered the most government repression, Alimardani said.

Meanwhile, Amnesty has received reports of "raids on houses... arrests of people who had Starlink devices," Bahreini said.

Charges for those caught communicating with the outside world range from prison sentences to the death penalty, she added.

Starlink did not respond to AFP's request for comment on usage in Iran.


How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
TT

How Iranians Are Communicating Through Internet Blackout

 People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)
People walk past closed shops at the almost empty traditional main bazaar, in Tehran, Iran, Tuesday, March 10, 2026. (AP)

Iran's latest internet blackout has lasted more than 14 days, connectivity monitor Netblocks said Friday.

The nature of the limits on internet activity shows "this is a government-imposed measure" and not the result of damage from US and Israeli airstrikes, Netblocks research chief Isik Mater told AFP.

"It is a deliberate shutdown imposed by the authorities to suppress the flow of information and prevent further dissent," said Raha Bahreini, Iran researcher at Amnesty International.

Here are some of the ways information is still flowing in and out of Iran.

- Shortwave radio -

Amsterdam-based nonprofit Radio Zamaneh began shortwave broadcasts during the January protests, sending a nightly Farsi news program from 11:00 pm Tehran time.

"It's really difficult for the regime to jam shortwave because it's a long-distance broadcast," executive director Rieneke van Santen told AFP.

"People can just listen on a super cheap, small, simple radio... It's one of those typical emergency fall-back solutions."

Declining to specify where the transmitter is located, she said it is "closer to the Netherlands than to Iran" -- although Tehran "can figure it out" if they choose.

- Phone calls -

Many with ties to Iran are still receiving landline phone calls from inside -- "quite surprising" given the internet blackout, said Mahsa Alimardani of global rights organization Witness.

Fearing the authorities listening in, people often avoid speaking directly about political topics, such as the killing of Ali Khamenei, she added.

"It's not possible to communicate about sensitive issues through these brief phone calls," Amnesty's Bahreini said.

The required prepaid international calling cards are expensive and often fail to provide their face value in minutes.

"You buy a phone card for 60 minutes, but in eight minutes, it's out," van Santen said.

"It's really just phone calls from family members saying, after the bombing, we're still alive."

- VPN or other internet services -

Virtual private networks (VPNs) -- widely-used services that encrypt internet traffic -- can't create an internet connection where none is available.

But even at around one percent of typical levels, Iran's connectivity is "still a large figure in absolute terms", Netblocks' Mater said.

Iranians suspected of using VPNs since the war began have received warning text messages claiming to be from the authorities.

Before the war, millions turned to Toronto-based company Psiphon, which creates specialist tools more capable than typical "off-the-shelf" VPNs.

Offering techniques including disguising users' data as different types of internet traffic, Psiphon "is able to evade detection more successfully", data and insights director Keith McManamen told AFP.

With up to six million unique daily users in Iran before the latest internet shutdown, connections have now tumbled to fewer than 100,000.

Few but the most tech-savvy users can reach Psiphon's network for now.

Nevertheless, "the situation is extremely dynamic. We're seeing changes not just day to day, but hour by hour," McManamen said.

A similar service, US-based Lantern, is also widely used in Iran.

- Satellite broadcasts -

Created by US-based nonprofit NetFreedom Pioneers, Toosheh is a "filecasting" technology using home satellite TV equipment to broadcast encrypted data to people in Iran.

Users record from the Toosheh satellite TV channel onto a USB stick plugged into their set-top box, which they can then decrypt using a special app installed on their phone or computer.

From that initial download, the data can be copied and shared across multiple households.

The group estimated around three million active users in Iran across 2025, with "thousands to hundreds of thousands... since the (internet) shutdown in January," the group's director of projects Emilia James told AFP.

From its usual educational repertoire ranging from English lessons to news, content these days includes more on "personal safety and digital security... helping people to stay safe," she added.

Since people are tuning in to a broadcast signal, there is no way for the government to track them, she added.

- Starlink -

Elon Musk-owned satellite internet service Starlink was used during this year's protests to get information out, while the government attempted to jam its signals.

At around $2,000 on Iran's black market, the terminals are expensive and very rare in poorer regions like Balochistan or Kurdistan that have suffered the most government repression, Alimardani said.

Meanwhile, Amnesty has received reports of "raids on houses... arrests of people who had Starlink devices," Bahreini said.

Charges for those caught communicating with the outside world range from prison sentences to the death penalty, she added.

Starlink did not respond to AFP's request for comment on usage in Iran.