James Zogby to Asharq Al-Awsat: Arab Americans ‘Fearful,’ Won’t Vote for Biden

Protesters commemorate the children killed in Gaza during a demonstration in New York City on December 28 (AFP)
Protesters commemorate the children killed in Gaza during a demonstration in New York City on December 28 (AFP)
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James Zogby to Asharq Al-Awsat: Arab Americans ‘Fearful,’ Won’t Vote for Biden

Protesters commemorate the children killed in Gaza during a demonstration in New York City on December 28 (AFP)
Protesters commemorate the children killed in Gaza during a demonstration in New York City on December 28 (AFP)

James Zogby, head of the American-Arab Institute in Washington, disclosed to Asharq Al-Awsat that President Joe Biden’s popularity has significantly dropped among Arab and Muslim communities, as well as among American youth.

The decline is attributed to Biden's unwavering support for Israel since the Gaza conflict began.

Zogby highlighted that diminished approval of Biden will be noticeable in key states including Michigan, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Florida, and possibly Georgia – all swing states where the competition with his rival, former President Donald Trump, is tightening.

Despite his long history with the Democratic Party for nearly five decades, Zogby has rare criticisms for the Biden administration.

He predicts that candidates from the “third party” will gain many votes because of dissatisfaction among a narrow youth demographic with the ages of both Biden and Trump, and expects many others to abstain from voting.

Zogby also mentioned facing threats due to his pro-Palestinian stances, resulting in the imprisonment of some individuals.

Certain Jewish organizations label criticism of Israel as part of anti-Semitism, noted Zogby.

He highlighted the challenges faced by Arab communities in universities and workplaces for supporting the Palestinian cause.

In a Zoom interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Zogby was asked if he felt let down by how President Biden supported Israel during the Gaza war.

“My disappointment with Biden is deep and will last,” said the head of the American-Arab Institute.

After the events of Oct.7 and Biden’s anger towards Hamas, Zogby told the White House they weren’t giving themselves an exit.

He criticized Biden for providing unconditional support for Israel.

By the time the US president changed his language, it was too late as the Israeli war machine had committed atrocities.

Zogby recalled a high-level meeting where he requested a ceasefire.

The administration responded it would be unacceptable, fearing it would give Hamas a chance to rearm.

Zogby pointed out the thousands of civilian casualties, but there was no response to the dilemma of choosing between two unacceptable situations: a ceasefire or the death of Palestinians.

Israel’s Narrative

In the last three months, Zogby noted that some Arab Americans have expressed a prevailing sentiment that Arab and Palestinian lives are not valued.

“I think there’s something significant in the Israeli narrative, as Joe Biden and many in his administration did,” said Zogby.

“These views date back to the 70’s and 80’s and continue today: Israel is seen as a pioneering border state, similar to how America fought on its borders and made room for freedom where dreams could come true,” he added.

“The indigenous people are viewed as obstacles to civilization. This mindset is still prevalent today, and it's a significant factor. I believe Arab Americans sense that.”

“This lack of understanding will cost Biden the support of the Arab community,” explained Zogby.

He hinted that with the elections approaching, Arab Americans might not give the support Biden is counting on.

Zogby shared poll results showing a significant drop in support for Biden, with only 17% indicating they would back him, compared to the 59% who did in 2020.

He warned against dismissing this sentiment, emphasizing that people, especially the youth, won't simply return to voting for Biden or Trump.

Moreover, Zogby expected third-party candidates to perform well in 2024, as many individuals, especially the youth, feel disengaged and may not vote at all.

He underscored the importance for Democrats not to take these votes for granted.

Third Party

Zogby, a well-respected figure among American decision-makers of Lebanese descent, believes third-party candidates like Cornel West and Bob Kennedy are already gaining support.

He noted that their stance on Israel, especially in the case of Kennedy, might differ but doesn’t evoke the same level of frustration within the Arab community as Biden’s did.

Zogby mentioned that this could impact the upcoming elections.

When asked about Arab Americans being united in their feelings, Zogby said: “One thing we learn from surveys and politics is that there is absolutely no unity.”

As for the influence of Arab American votes on Trump and Biden, Zogby explained: “They matter a lot in states like Michigan and Virginia.”

They could also have an impact in Florida or any state where elections are decided by a small margin, like 3% or 4%, he added, noting that even a community with 2% support in Ohio, 2% in Pennsylvania, about 5% in Michigan, and 1.5% in Florida, can make a significant difference.”

“In elections decided by a majority of 20,000 votes or fewer, like in Georgia, our growing community there can play a role,” noted Zogby.

Anti-semitism... Arabs

Regarding the growing issue of anti-Semitism in the US, a sensitive matter not only within communities but also in universities and various spheres, much like addressing Islamophobia, Zogby recognized that “anti-Semitism is a real problem, no question.”

Zogby affirmed that he has consistently fought against anti-Semitism within his community.

He raised observations, one being that “there are two Jewish organizations making efforts to conflate anti-Semitism with anti-Zionism and anti-Israel behavior.”

“This is fundamentally wrong,” said Zogby, clarifying that “when we look at the rise of anti-Semitism, we need to distinguish between someone tearing a poster supporting Israel or burning the Israeli flag.”

“That is not anti-Semitism. It is anti-Israel sentiment,” he asserted.

Zogby also highlighted that “there is a lot of talk about this issue, but not as much attention is given to the challenges faced by Arab students on university campuses.”

“In truth, it's not only limited to campuses but also extends to workplaces.”

“Some major Jewish organizations pressured certain companies to sign statements equating any criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism,” revealed Zogby.

According to Zogby, this is fundamentally wrong and a violation of freedom of expression.

Quiet Battles

Referring to influential Arab Americans in different administrations and their role in addressing issues like the conflict in Gaza, Zogby shared two observations.

Firstly, those in high positions are quietly battling and shaping conversations by correcting narratives.

Secondly, Zogby expressed concern for junior staff facing tough situations.

Looking ahead to the elections on November 5, about eleven months away, Zogby said he can't imagine a replay of the 2020 race with Joe Biden and Donald Trump.

As per Zogby, many Americans feel the same way.

“Look at the polls; the majority say it's unlikely,” he confirmed.

Zogby noted that Americans realize that by the time of elections both Biden and Trump would be in their eighties.

If Joe Biden doesn't run, Zogby said he doesn’t know who will.

“At this point, it's too late for new entries into the primaries,” he reminded.

 



Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”