James Zogby to Asharq Al-Awsat: Arab Americans ‘Fearful,’ Won’t Vote for Biden

Protesters commemorate the children killed in Gaza during a demonstration in New York City on December 28 (AFP)
Protesters commemorate the children killed in Gaza during a demonstration in New York City on December 28 (AFP)
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James Zogby to Asharq Al-Awsat: Arab Americans ‘Fearful,’ Won’t Vote for Biden

Protesters commemorate the children killed in Gaza during a demonstration in New York City on December 28 (AFP)
Protesters commemorate the children killed in Gaza during a demonstration in New York City on December 28 (AFP)

James Zogby, head of the American-Arab Institute in Washington, disclosed to Asharq Al-Awsat that President Joe Biden’s popularity has significantly dropped among Arab and Muslim communities, as well as among American youth.

The decline is attributed to Biden's unwavering support for Israel since the Gaza conflict began.

Zogby highlighted that diminished approval of Biden will be noticeable in key states including Michigan, Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Florida, and possibly Georgia – all swing states where the competition with his rival, former President Donald Trump, is tightening.

Despite his long history with the Democratic Party for nearly five decades, Zogby has rare criticisms for the Biden administration.

He predicts that candidates from the “third party” will gain many votes because of dissatisfaction among a narrow youth demographic with the ages of both Biden and Trump, and expects many others to abstain from voting.

Zogby also mentioned facing threats due to his pro-Palestinian stances, resulting in the imprisonment of some individuals.

Certain Jewish organizations label criticism of Israel as part of anti-Semitism, noted Zogby.

He highlighted the challenges faced by Arab communities in universities and workplaces for supporting the Palestinian cause.

In a Zoom interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Zogby was asked if he felt let down by how President Biden supported Israel during the Gaza war.

“My disappointment with Biden is deep and will last,” said the head of the American-Arab Institute.

After the events of Oct.7 and Biden’s anger towards Hamas, Zogby told the White House they weren’t giving themselves an exit.

He criticized Biden for providing unconditional support for Israel.

By the time the US president changed his language, it was too late as the Israeli war machine had committed atrocities.

Zogby recalled a high-level meeting where he requested a ceasefire.

The administration responded it would be unacceptable, fearing it would give Hamas a chance to rearm.

Zogby pointed out the thousands of civilian casualties, but there was no response to the dilemma of choosing between two unacceptable situations: a ceasefire or the death of Palestinians.

Israel’s Narrative

In the last three months, Zogby noted that some Arab Americans have expressed a prevailing sentiment that Arab and Palestinian lives are not valued.

“I think there’s something significant in the Israeli narrative, as Joe Biden and many in his administration did,” said Zogby.

“These views date back to the 70’s and 80’s and continue today: Israel is seen as a pioneering border state, similar to how America fought on its borders and made room for freedom where dreams could come true,” he added.

“The indigenous people are viewed as obstacles to civilization. This mindset is still prevalent today, and it's a significant factor. I believe Arab Americans sense that.”

“This lack of understanding will cost Biden the support of the Arab community,” explained Zogby.

He hinted that with the elections approaching, Arab Americans might not give the support Biden is counting on.

Zogby shared poll results showing a significant drop in support for Biden, with only 17% indicating they would back him, compared to the 59% who did in 2020.

He warned against dismissing this sentiment, emphasizing that people, especially the youth, won't simply return to voting for Biden or Trump.

Moreover, Zogby expected third-party candidates to perform well in 2024, as many individuals, especially the youth, feel disengaged and may not vote at all.

He underscored the importance for Democrats not to take these votes for granted.

Third Party

Zogby, a well-respected figure among American decision-makers of Lebanese descent, believes third-party candidates like Cornel West and Bob Kennedy are already gaining support.

He noted that their stance on Israel, especially in the case of Kennedy, might differ but doesn’t evoke the same level of frustration within the Arab community as Biden’s did.

Zogby mentioned that this could impact the upcoming elections.

When asked about Arab Americans being united in their feelings, Zogby said: “One thing we learn from surveys and politics is that there is absolutely no unity.”

As for the influence of Arab American votes on Trump and Biden, Zogby explained: “They matter a lot in states like Michigan and Virginia.”

They could also have an impact in Florida or any state where elections are decided by a small margin, like 3% or 4%, he added, noting that even a community with 2% support in Ohio, 2% in Pennsylvania, about 5% in Michigan, and 1.5% in Florida, can make a significant difference.”

“In elections decided by a majority of 20,000 votes or fewer, like in Georgia, our growing community there can play a role,” noted Zogby.

Anti-semitism... Arabs

Regarding the growing issue of anti-Semitism in the US, a sensitive matter not only within communities but also in universities and various spheres, much like addressing Islamophobia, Zogby recognized that “anti-Semitism is a real problem, no question.”

Zogby affirmed that he has consistently fought against anti-Semitism within his community.

He raised observations, one being that “there are two Jewish organizations making efforts to conflate anti-Semitism with anti-Zionism and anti-Israel behavior.”

“This is fundamentally wrong,” said Zogby, clarifying that “when we look at the rise of anti-Semitism, we need to distinguish between someone tearing a poster supporting Israel or burning the Israeli flag.”

“That is not anti-Semitism. It is anti-Israel sentiment,” he asserted.

Zogby also highlighted that “there is a lot of talk about this issue, but not as much attention is given to the challenges faced by Arab students on university campuses.”

“In truth, it's not only limited to campuses but also extends to workplaces.”

“Some major Jewish organizations pressured certain companies to sign statements equating any criticism of Israel with anti-Semitism,” revealed Zogby.

According to Zogby, this is fundamentally wrong and a violation of freedom of expression.

Quiet Battles

Referring to influential Arab Americans in different administrations and their role in addressing issues like the conflict in Gaza, Zogby shared two observations.

Firstly, those in high positions are quietly battling and shaping conversations by correcting narratives.

Secondly, Zogby expressed concern for junior staff facing tough situations.

Looking ahead to the elections on November 5, about eleven months away, Zogby said he can't imagine a replay of the 2020 race with Joe Biden and Donald Trump.

As per Zogby, many Americans feel the same way.

“Look at the polls; the majority say it's unlikely,” he confirmed.

Zogby noted that Americans realize that by the time of elections both Biden and Trump would be in their eighties.

If Joe Biden doesn't run, Zogby said he doesn’t know who will.

“At this point, it's too late for new entries into the primaries,” he reminded.

 



Fakhri Karim: Nouri al-Maliki Saw Mosul as ‘Dagger in the Side’

Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: Nouri al-Maliki Saw Mosul as ‘Dagger in the Side’

Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim during his interview with Editor-in-Chief of Asharq Al-Awsat Ghassan Charbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Last February, Iraqi politician and publisher Fakhri Karim narrowly escaped an assassination attempt in Baghdad, sparking many questions about the motive behind the attack.

Some speculate Karim was targeted for his role as a senior advisor to the late President Jalal Talabani between 2006 and 2014. Others think it might have been due to his efforts in managing the relationship between Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani.

There is also speculation that the attack could have been a reaction to his newspaper, Al-Mada. Known for supporting the Iraqi uprising, Al-Mada has strongly campaigned against widespread assassinations and the uncontrolled spread of weapons.

The recent attempt on Karim's life recalls a similar incident in Lebanon in 1982. During the Israeli siege of Beirut, while the city was seeing off Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) fighters, Karim was injured in the face in an assassination attempt.

Karim had a close relationship with then PLO chairman Yasser Arafat, who supported thousands of communists escaping Saddam Hussein’s regime in Iraq.

Born in 1942 in Baghdad to a Shiite Kurdish family, Karim joined the Communist Party in 1959. His activism led to multiple imprisonments, escapes, and living under aliases, including Ali Abdul Khaliq.

Karim worked in the party’s media and was once the deputy head of the journalists’ syndicate.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim recounted a significant episode from 1970.

The Communist Party, through leader Makram Talabani, informed President Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr about a coup plot orchestrated by outspoken Iraqi officer and politician Abdel Ghani al-Rawi, with support from Iran.

Al-Bakr appreciated the intelligence and reportedly said: “We will not forget this for the party.”

Karim also mentioned that al-Bakr had previously proposed that the Communist Party join the Baath Party in the coup that brought the Baathists back to power on July 17, 1968, but the party declined.

Karim disclosed that he personally received a call from US officials urging President Jalal Talabani not to run for a second term, labeling him as “Iran’s man.”

Karim then revealed that President Barack Obama was involved in a scheme to persuade Talabani to step down in favor of former Prime Minister Ayad Allawi. The aim was to keep Nouri al-Maliki as Prime Minister to appease Iran.

Karim admitted that supporting al-Maliki for the position of prime minister over Allawi, who had won the majority in parliament, was a blunder.

He stated that al-Maliki ignored Barzani’s warnings about extremist activity near Mosul that eventually culminated in ISIS’s capture of the city.

Before Mosul fell, al-Maliki reportedly said in front of President Talabani: “We need to cooperate and bring Mosul closer to the Kurdistan region because it is a hub for terrorists, nationalists, and Baathists, a dagger in our side.” Talabani reportedly found the comment inappropriate.

Karim spoke about missions assigned to him by Talabani in Tehran and Damascus, including meetings with Iranian Gen. Qasem Soleimani and Iraqi deputy commander of the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis, who were both killed in a US airstrike in early 2020.

He expressed concerns about the future of Iraq and Kurdistan amidst political instability.

Moreover, Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s exit from politics has emboldened minorities to challenge the constitution and institutions, according to Karim.

Some Iraqis now see the Federal Court as straying from its original role, comparing it to the Revolutionary Command Council.

Moment of decline for Iraq’s political process

Karim responded to comments by Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari to Asharq Al-Awsat previously, where Zebari stated that Talabani was prepared to support the no confidence of al-Maliki’s government, but he changed course after receiving a threatening message from Qassem Soleimani.

Karim noted that months into al-Maliki’s second term, he started to act independently, even from Shiite factions. This trend worried the highest religious authority in the country.

A meeting in Erbil gathered opposition forces, including the Iraqi List and Kurdish factions, later joined by al-Sadr. Talabani proposed withdrawing confidence from al-Maliki's government. Karim expressed concerns, but Talabani seemed unbothered. Karim also worried about potential resistance from Soleimani, prompting Talabani to suggest contacting him in Tehran.

As the plane prepared to depart, Soleimani indicated a messenger would deliver a message. The severe message demanded Talabani’s resignation if he wasn't up to the task and that he follow Soleimani’s approach. This led to a change of course and very dangerous consequences. Karim believed this marked the beginning of the decline in the political process in Iraq, leading to current events.

Al-Maliki and the Mosul dilemma

In Karim’s personal opinion, al-Maliki understood the gravity of the situation but likely thought it was a minor breach that could be rectified. Karim doubted that al-Maliki anticipated the situation turning into a major disaster leading to the occupation of a third of the country by ISIS, plunging both the people and the state into a costly predicament, the effects of which they are still grappling with.

The issue of Mosul was raised between Talabani and al-Maliki at the onset of discussions about forming the government. It was discussed in several meetings between the two leaders.

One day, al-Maliki proposed an idea that seemed strange to Karim. He suggested paying attention to the situation in Mosul and seeking a remedy for it.

“I hope we can cooperate and bring Mosul closer to the Kurdistan Region as much as possible because Mosul is a hub for terrorism, nationalists, and Baathists, hence a dagger in our side,” Karim recalled al-Maliki as saying.

Karim then responded: “We are talking about a future where we address the shortcomings we face, and you are talking about a Sunni component that is part of the political process!”

Al-Maliki then replied: “How can you speak to me like this? These are Baathists and nationalists, and, with all due respect, Sunnis.”

Karim then pointed to Talabani and said: “This man in front of you is Sunni.”

At that point, Talabani told al-Maliki that this conversation was inappropriate.

Al-Maliki: Mosul situation is under control

Karim’s words matched what Barzani, the former President of the Kurdistan Region, said at the time when he personally led the confrontation against ISIS.

Barzani said: “Before the fall of Mosul to ISIS, we received information that extremists were establishing bases in the urban area southwest of Mosul, near the Syrian border. I sent messages to Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki through Sayyid Ammar al-Hakim, Dr. Roj Shaways, and US Ambassador Stephen Beecroft.”

“I told them: Inform him that he’s preoccupied with Anbar and indifferent to Mosul, which has become an open arena. I proposed a joint operation to prevent the extremists from taking over Mosul and its surroundings,” recounted Barzani.

This was in December 2013, seven months before Mosul fell to ISIS. Barzani added that al-Maliki showed no interest: “I called him at the beginning of 2014 and said, ‘My brother, the situation in Mosul is dangerous. Let’s conduct a joint operation. I cannot send the Peshmerga alone’.”

“The matter is sensitive between Kurds and Arabs, and government forces are present in the area. There's the 2nd Division of the Iraqi Army, Federal Police, and other units. We’re ready to bear the heavier burden, but let it be a joint operation,” argued Barzani.

Al-Maliki then replied: “My brother, you watch over your region, don’t worry about what’s beyond it; the situation is under control.”

Barzani indicated that ISIS had not dreamed of taking control of Mosul, nor had it anticipated its fall into their hands.

The terrorist group wanted to distract army units to release their members detained in the Badush prison west of the city.

“ISIS launched shells towards the Ghazlani camp to cover the prisoners’ escape. The officers sent by al-Maliki (the ground forces commander and deputy chief of staff) fled, and the division commander joined them... This is a big and terrible issue,” said the Kurdish leader.

“The army didn't resist. Senior officers sought refuge with the Peshmerga. We rescued them and sent them to Baghdad at their request,” Barzani recounted.