Iraqi FM: Iran Can't Strike Israel, Yet Targets Friendly Ally

Iraqi Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein
Iraqi Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein
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Iraqi FM: Iran Can't Strike Israel, Yet Targets Friendly Ally

Iraqi Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein
Iraqi Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein

Hours before Iraq lodged a complaint against Iran at the UN Security Council, Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein criticized Iran’s attack on Erbil, calling it an “attempt to export its internal problems.”
Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos, Hussein stated that Iraq has taken political and diplomatic steps in response to Iran’s attack in Erbil, denying Tehran’s claims about Israeli intelligence on Iraqi soil.
Tehran’s assault had killed four civilians in Erbil on Monday.
Hussein linked the attack on Iraqi Kurdistan to rising tensions between Iran and Israel due to the Gaza conflict, suggesting clashes between Iranians and Israelis.
When asked about additional measures Iraq is considering in response to the targeting of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard in the Kurdistan region of Iraq, Hussein said: “Iraq is responding to Iran’s aggression with diplomatic, political, and legal measures.”
“We've summoned the second-in-command at the Iranian embassy, delivering a protest note about the attack in Erbil and the loss of Iraqi lives.”
“We've asked our ambassador in Tehran to return, and a joint investigation committee has been formed at the directive of the Prime Minister, set to report its findings on Wednesday.”
“Apart from these steps, we've filed a complaint with the UN Security Council.”

As for Iran's claim about targeting an Israeli Mossad headquarters in Erbil, Hussein affirmed that there’s no evidence of Israeli intelligence on Iraqi soil.
“The Iranians are deflecting internal issues onto others. Similar false accusations were made a year ago when Iran targeted a residential house, falsely claiming it was a Mossad base,” he said.
Noting that Iran seems unable to confront Israel directly, Hussein pointed to Tehran choosing to target Erbil instead.
The top Iraqi diplomat also mentioned that even with Iranian presence in Syria and on the Israeli border, Tehran appears unwilling to directly confront Israel.
Regarding the motive behind attacking Erbil, Hussein said that the whole assault is perplexing since Erbil is part of Iraq, a neighboring and friendly nation with strong historical, geographical, religious, cultural, and economic ties to Iran.
“In the past, Iraq supported Iran diplomatically, working to improve its relations with Arab and European countries and the US,” reminded Hussein.
“Now, Iran's attack on Iraq, its ally, is a strategic mistake that will likely be realized over time,” he added.
“It seems there are understood rules of engagement between Israelis and Iranians,” highlighted Hussein.
“The attack on Erbil might be viewed by some in Tehran as a response to the Kerman terrorist incident claimed by ISIS Khorasan.”
“Iran claims to fight Israelis, suggesting there are rules of engagement, but for domestic reasons, Iranians targeted the militarily weaker link, Iraq, their friend, rather than confronting their enemy directly,” noted Hussein.
In relation to the withdrawal of US forces from Iraq, Hussein mentioned that Iraq aims for a negotiation process with the US, noting Washington’s readiness for talks under normal circumstances.
“The Iraqi government insists on resolving the issue through talks, not force,” he affirmed, adding that Iraq is in ongoing discussions with the US about starting these negotiations.
“Despite recent violence, the Americans are open to discussing their presence in Iraq under normal conditions,” asserted the minister.
“We invited them in the past, and we can now ask them to leave, but it should be a mutual decision,” he explained, noting that Iraq is working towards an agreement to kickstart negotiations.
Recent weeks saw increased hostilities against US interests in Iraq, leading to Washington targeting Iraqi factions with ties to Iran.
On Iraq-Saudi relations, Hussein mentioned they are in excellent shape, expressing Iraq’s desire to boost economic cooperation and encourage Saudi investment in the country.
“Iraq and Saudi Arabia currently enjoy excellent political relations,” said Hussein.
“We've played a key role in mending ties between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and this is something we're pleased about. Iran is a neighbor, and better relations between Arab countries and Iran benefit Iraq,” he added.
Hussein further explained that tensions in the region negatively affect Iraq, so positive relations are crucial.
“Our relationship with Saudi Arabia is exceptional,” he affirmed.
As for Baghdad and Riyadh working on ways to collaborate in trade and the economy, Hussein said: “We consistently work together on oil issues within OPEC, coordinate internationally, and engage within the Arab League.”
“Looking ahead, we aim to strengthen economic ties and attract Saudi investment in Iraq. Foreign investment is vital for building Iraq's economy,” said Hussein.



Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”