Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Fakhri Karim: My Complaint to Sistani on Corruption Spurred Suggestion of Saddam-Era Minister

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, speaks to Asharq Al-Awsat. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

In post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, the prime minister's office gained significant power. It became customary for the prime minister to be Shiite, the president Kurdish, and the speaker of Parliament Sunni.

This power-sharing arrangement, focusing on sectarian representation over institutional structure, has remained strong.

Attempts to break this norm have failed, including when former US President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to support Ayad Allawi, a Shiite politician, for the presidency. The aim was to keep Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki in power with support from both Washington and Tehran.

Despite Allawi’s parliamentary majority win, he didn’t become president.

Arab states were slow to react to changes in Iraq, allowing Iran to step in. Iran supported the US-created Iraqi Governing Council and sought to bring together Shiite factions to join the political process.

Its influence grew due to its backing of groups that opposed Saddam Hussein. Iran gained a key role in Iraq, effectively having veto power over decisions and a say in forming governments, while also expecting an eventual US military withdrawal.

Fakhri Karim, senior adviser to late Iraqi President Jalal Talabani, said Iran stepped in to fill a vacuum in Iraq, solidifying its role and protecting its interests.

This made Iran’s Quds Force commander Gen. Qassem Soleimani a key figure in Iraq, shaping everything from the reduction of US military presence to the formation of governments.

A foreign power’s influence in a neighboring country grows only if locals accept its role.

Soleimani and deputy leader of Iraq’s Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) Abu Mahdi al-Muhandis were killed in a US strike near Baghdad airport in January 2020.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, Karim noted that Soleimani “was dedicated to serving his country’s interests, and the other side should have defended its own role and interests.”

He recalled Soleimani as being “skilled, effective, and able to earn trust, shifting from flexibility to rigidity when needed.”

This was clear in a letter Soleimani sent to Talabani when he considered supporting a no-confidence motion against Maliki’s government.

Karim also mentioned that al-Muhandis was deeply trusted by the Iranian general.

Talabani assigned his senior adviser various missions in Iran, focusing on forming Iraqi governments and relations with Kurdistan.

During a visit to Tehran, Adil Abdul Mahdi, who would later become prime minister, informed Talabani and Karim that “Soleimani’s claim that Iran supports Nouri al-Maliki for prime minister is false.”

“I was told that Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei supports me,” argued Abdul Mahdi at the time.

Talabani felt awkward despite being close to Abdul Mahdi. He asked Karim to visit Tehran, where he met Soleimani and al-Muhandis. Soleimani denied Abdul Mahdi’s claims, saying he could take Karim to the Supreme Leader to hear the truth.

For his part, Karim said the Supreme Council didn’t support al-Maliki and that influential cleric Moqtada al-Sadr’s stance was hardening. Soleimani assured that the Iranians were in contact with al-Sadr and would handle the issue of the Supreme Council.

When Karim returned, he informed Talabani and Kurdish leader Masoud Barzani that the Badr Organization, led by Hadi al-Amiri, had left the Supreme Council to join Maliki, shifting the balance and allowing the formation of a government without the Council’s interference.

Karim remembered that Iran initially supported Ibrahim al-Jaafari for prime minister (2005-2006). However, Jaafari quickly became a burden on the political process and Shiite leaders then signaled the need for change.

The US Ambassador advised Jaafari to resign, threatening him if he didn't comply.

Maliki’s name wasn’t initially considered; Ali al-Adib from the “Dawa” party, of which Maliki was a member, was the favored choice. But Maliki didn’t support Adib, so after deliberations, the party settled on Maliki instead.

Breakfast with Soleimani

Karim remembers a breakfast meeting with Soleimani and al-Muhandis. He brought up Maliki’s performance during his second term and the widespread corruption in Iraq.

Soleimani suggested discussing it further, but Karim insisted the issue was urgent.

He questioned why, if all major Shiite forces agreed, change couldn’t happen. Soleimani indicated that decisions within the Shiite alliance were made by those who remained in it, prompting Karim to ask if Soleimani was implying it was him. Soleimani then replied : “Think what you wish.”

Sadr’s misstep

In the post-Saddam Hussein era, Sadr emerged as a major political force in Iraq. He led a large popular and armed movement.

Dealing with Sadr was challenging for political factions, especially among Shiites. Some disputes even culminated in armed conflicts. Managing Sadr’s influence was difficult both internally and for external interests, especially given his unpredictability.

When asked about Sadr’s decision to quit politics in 2022, Karim called it a major mistake.

He believed Iraq suffered greatly from this move, as it left parliament without any influential Shiite force capable of standing up against decisions not aligned with common goals.

Karim highlighted that filling seats with losing candidates seemed odd and turned the minority into the majority, undermining the constitutional process. He also noted the Shiite community’s fragmentation, with many Shiites not participating in recent elections due to their disenchantment with the political parties.

Karim warned against underestimating the potential for renewed protests and uprisings among the marginalized against the government and ruling powers.

Sistani’s unexpected proposal

When discussing top Shiite Religious Authority in Iraq, Ali al-Sistani, Karim highlighted his political astuteness, surpassing the majority of other Shiite leaders. Sistani’s Friday sermons, delivered by his representatives, reflect this forward-thinking approach.

Karim noted a key observation about Sistani’s mindset. Despite corruption concerns, Sistani surprised Karim by suggesting bringing back the former Minister of Trade for his effectiveness in managing the ration card distribution.

He even proposed considering a Christian minister if they were honest and prioritized the people’s interests.

Furthermore, Sistani emphasized the importance of inclusivity in the new Iraq, advocating for the rights of Sunni and Kurdish components. He rejected marginalization and insisted on their participation and rights.

Sistani’s fatwa and the PMF

Karim believes that Sistani issued a fatwa on “jihad” to rally people against the significant threat posed by ISIS in 2014. He didn’t specifically mention the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) or any other organization but referred to volunteers.

“Many responded to Sistani’s call and made significant sacrifices alongside the armed forces and Peshmerga. Volunteers participated in liberating areas once occupied by the terror group,” said Karim.

Karim further noted that there was a belief that those who made sacrifices had the right to be part of the armed forces and receive state support.

“The idea of integrating militias or military entities into the armed forces is not new,” explained Karim.

“US diplomat Paul Bremer [the first post-invasion governor of Iraq] proposed something similar to factions and organizations under the banner of integration into the army, and steps were taken in this direction,” he added.

“The goal was to eliminate the threat of ISIS, not to create a parallel army or establish another institution.”



UN Deputy Special Coordinator to Asharq Al-Awsat: Humanitarian Situation in Lebanon is ‘Catastrophic’

Imran Riza, the UN’s Deputy Special Coordinator, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Lebanon (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Imran Riza, the UN’s Deputy Special Coordinator, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Lebanon (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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UN Deputy Special Coordinator to Asharq Al-Awsat: Humanitarian Situation in Lebanon is ‘Catastrophic’

Imran Riza, the UN’s Deputy Special Coordinator, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Lebanon (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Imran Riza, the UN’s Deputy Special Coordinator, Resident and Humanitarian Coordinator for Lebanon (Asharq Al-Awsat)

One of the UN’s top humanitarian officials in Lebanon, Imran Riza, has warned that the situation will worsen if the conflict continues, calling for an immediate ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah.

He stressed that the ongoing war is placing immense strain on both the UN and the Lebanese government, as over a million people have been displaced. He said current needs exceed $400 million, but only 12% of that amount has been raised so far.

Worsening Crisis

Riza, who is the UN Deputy Special Coordinator for Lebanon, UN Resident, and Humanitarian Coordinator for Lebanon, spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat. He described the past two weeks as “catastrophic” for civilians, with the crisis growing over the last year.

More than 600,000 people have been displaced and over a million affected, with 300,000 crossing the border, according to Riza.

Many of these people have been displaced more than once in search of safety. Riza emphasized that the war has severely impacted civilians, with more than a quarter of Lebanon's population affected.

The UN has been working to address the crisis, but Riza said resources are limited.

He stressed that the UN has been saying all year that it doesn’t have enough funds, even when there were only 110,000 displaced people.

Last week, the UN launched a $426 million appeal for urgent humanitarian aid, with 12% of the funding already secured.

Riza said more support is expected, with donor countries pledging additional help.

He also expressed gratitude for contributions from the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), which provided medical and relief supplies, and said the UN hopes to see more international assistance soon.

Working with the Government

The UN is working closely with the Lebanese government every day to provide shelter, food, healthcare, and water to those in need.

Cooperation with the government has been excellent, said Riza.

However, he acknowledged that the government’s capacity is weakened after five years of ongoing crises, which have also severely impacted the population.

People are less resilient than they were during the 2006 war, and the government and its institutions are weaker, affirmed Riza.

The UN is helping the government respond effectively, ensuring transparency and accountability, so that aid reaches those who need it, he added.

The UN is also collaborating with local and international NGOs that have gained experience from Lebanon’s recent crises, helping to ensure a more effective response. Shelters are also being monitored to prevent any abuse.

A Different Reality from 2006

The current situation in Lebanon is very different from the 2006 war. Politically, the country now has a caretaker government and no president, with much less international presence.

Back then, other countries were more involved, said Riza.

The 2006 war lasted only 33 days, but this conflict has dragged on for a year, he noted.

During recent visits to southern border areas, Riza said locals were asking when the war would end, as the situation has worsened significantly in the past two weeks.

Riza noted that, in the first week of the crisis, it was extremely difficult to respond, and even now, many displaced people remain without shelter.

The UN is working with the government to provide shelter, food, and healthcare, but it’s not easy, he noted.

Displacement Crisis

With winter approaching, Riza stressed the need to properly house displaced people, saying that people can’t be left without shelter.

There are also concerns over a lack of housing, clean water, and sanitation, as well as the risk of disease outbreaks. Despite these challenges, Riza praised the close cooperation between the UN, international organizations, and partners.

Many agencies are responding, he asserted.

Riza rejected any claims of discrimination between displaced groups, noting that both Lebanese and Syrians are currently staying in UNRWA schools. He added that talks with the government about sheltering displaced Syrians have been positive.

Riza also expressed concern about the school year and children’s education.

Prolonged Conflict

The United Nations sees no immediate solution to the humanitarian and military crisis in Lebanon, with Riza stressing that the solution must be political and diplomatic, but first, a ceasefire is needed.

While there is little optimism for an end to the conflict, Riza said, the UN is encouraged by the support from its partners, which helps the organization assist the displaced.

He mentioned the recent evacuation of 1,000 people from Ain Ebel and aid distribution in Tyre, emphasizing the need to ensure that they reach those in need.

Riza called on all sides to respect international and humanitarian laws, allowing safe access for aid workers.

He condemned violations, including the deaths of firefighters, health workers, civil defense staff, and UN personnel, adding that the toll on civilian and health infrastructure is growing.