Asharq Al-Awsat in Kirkuk: Fierce Electoral Campaign Takes on Nationalist, Sectarian Edge

A picture taken on April 14, 2018 in the Iraqi city of Kirkuk shows campaign billboards for candidates in the upcoming parliamentary elections. (AFP)
A picture taken on April 14, 2018 in the Iraqi city of Kirkuk shows campaign billboards for candidates in the upcoming parliamentary elections. (AFP)
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Asharq Al-Awsat in Kirkuk: Fierce Electoral Campaign Takes on Nationalist, Sectarian Edge

A picture taken on April 14, 2018 in the Iraqi city of Kirkuk shows campaign billboards for candidates in the upcoming parliamentary elections. (AFP)
A picture taken on April 14, 2018 in the Iraqi city of Kirkuk shows campaign billboards for candidates in the upcoming parliamentary elections. (AFP)

The electoral campaigns in the northern city of Kirkuk differ completely from the scenes in other Kurdistan Region provinces and perhaps even the rest of Iraq.

Asharq Al-Awsat toured the city, which has been covered wall-to-wall with electoral posters. They have taken on a nationalist and sectarian edge, which reflects the deep partisan divides and conflicts among the various ethnicities that make up the region.

Dozens of political forces are running in the May 12 elections and various Kurdish, Arab, Turkmen, Chaladean and Assyrian alliances have been formed with the goal of winning the largest number of seats at parliament. They are competing for 12 seats that are dedicated to the Kirkuk province.

The security presence is also palpable on the streets with the heavy deployment of security forces, local and federal police, anti-terrorism units and even the Popular Mobilization Forces militias.

The division among the political powers and their popular bases is clear to see on the ground where neighborhoods reflect the identity of their main residents. In Arab neighborhoods, one only sees posters of Arab candidates and movements.

In Kurdish areas, Kurdish candidates have been barred from raising the flag of Kurdistan. The flag has even been banned from electoral posters and the region is not referred to in any campaign speeches. Candidates are not allowed, even implicitly, to refer to the “Kurdish identity of Kirkuk.”

The largest Kurdish movement, the Kurdish Democratic Party, headed by former President Masoud Barzani, has meanwhile decided to boycott the elections in disputed areas. They include the Diyala, Kirkuk and Salaheddine provinces, which the party says are occupied by Iraqi forces. The party has consequently decided to only field candidates in the Nineveh province.

Arab alliance candidate Hatem al-Tai said that the law ensures the right for everyone to carry out an electoral campaign in Kirkuk without discrimination. He noted however that the main groups, the Kurds, Arabs and Turkmen, have traded accusations that their posters have been torn down.

He told Asharq Al-Awsat: “Some meddlers, who do not represent a particular side, have torn down candidate posters. I, myself, have been a victim of these actions.”

He also accused partisan powers, often either Turkmen or Kurdish, of deliberately taking down posters.

He added, however, that candidates are free to promote themselves in all neighborhoods and the law guarantees this right.

The Arab platform, Tai said, is based on committing to Iraq’s unity and the Iraqi identity of Kirkuk.

Head of the Turkmeneli Party, Riyad Sari Kahya said it was not necessary for a Kurdish candidate to promote himself in Turkmen or Arab neighborhoods in order to avoid stoking tensions. Similarly, candidates from these ethnicities should not promote themselves in rival areas.

Kirkuk can do without such tensions during this time so that the electoral process can run smoothly and safely, he stressed. The competition between the various ethnicities and parties should take into consideration the sensitive situation, especially in Kirkuk.

On his party’s electoral platform, he said: “We will primarily seek permanent peace between the powers that comprise the main forces in Kirkuk.”

“We will then adopt a new agenda that calls for establishing the autonomy of the Kirkuk region,” he added. This can be achieved through the support of the federal authorities in Baghdad and Kurdistan Region through a joint understanding between all sides.

Patriotic Union of Kurdistan candidate Almas Fadel al-Agha remarked that Kurdish candidates are facing “major obstacles” in Kirkuk. She cited the exclusion of Kurdish forces from ensuring the security of the city and the tearing down of Kurdish candidate posters in non-Kurdish regions.

She demanded the redeployment of the Kurdish Peshmerga and security forces and the return of thousands of Kurdish refugees back to their region “otherwise the elections here will be unbalanced.”

She explained that thousands of refugees have not returned to their homes in Kirkuk, Tuz Khurmatu, Daquq and other regions.

“There inability to take part in the voting will negatively impact the chances of the Kurdish powers in the elections and we predict that they will lose seats in parliament as a result. The Kurdish voters however are excited to head to polls to prove their presence in the area,” she stressed.



Hector: Kingpin of Iran’s Oil Empire

Hossein Shamkhani. (Iranian media)
Hossein Shamkhani. (Iranian media)
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Hector: Kingpin of Iran’s Oil Empire

Hossein Shamkhani. (Iranian media)
Hossein Shamkhani. (Iranian media)

Interviews carried out by Bloomberg shed light on the “global kingpin for Iranian oil”, known as “Hector”.

The kingpin is Hossein Shamkhani, the son of Ali Shamkhani, advisor to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. He has “raked in billions of dollars in sales from commodities originating out of Iran, Russia and elsewhere, according to more than a dozen people familiar with the matter,” reported Bloomberg.

“Few know Shamkhani’s real identity and he is widely known only as Hector, the people said.”

“Companies in his network also sell oil and petrochemicals from non-sanctioned nations and sometimes mix crude from various jurisdictions, so even buyers who test barrels may not be able to identify the country of origin, the people said,” added the report.

Shamkhani’s rise

His rise to power “offers a glimpse into parts of a sprawling shadow economy of dark oil fleets that have sprung up since Russia's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine. It also shows an increasing cooperation between Tehran and Moscow as global powers ratchet up sanctions against both governments,” said the report.

“Washington faces challenges clamping down on this trade because that risks pushing up prices at the pump in an election year. Meantime, Iran gets an annual windfall of some $35 billion from its oil exports, a boon as it backs proxy groups that have attacked Israeli or Western assets” and it appears that Shamkhani has been tasked with this mission.

Bloomberg said the US has imposed sancstions on ships believed to be operating within Shamkhani’s network, revealed people informed in the matter.

Shamkhani and parts of his trading network that do some business inside the dollar system, are under investigation for possible sanctions violations by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Treasury Department, according to the people and documents seen by Bloomberg.

Shamkhani denies everything

In an emailed response to questions, the director of his company said “the firm has no connection with Shamkhani while a lawyer representing the company said it follows all rules and has no links with any Russian or Iranian interests.” He denied owning any oil company, controlling a trading network or having a firm involved in commodities deals with Iran or Russia.

“Shamkhani’s influence is so wide that products supplied by entities in his network have also reached global majors like China’s Sinopec, US-based Chevron Corp. and UK-based BP Plc, according to people familiar with the matter,” continued Bloomberg.

“People familiar with Shamkhani’s empire said he effectively oversees an intertwined web of companies,” it added. “Business ownership, shareholding and control information are easy to obscure, and other executives have been formally registered as the owners and managers, the people said.”

“As one of Iran’s most profitable sectors, oil is top of mind for officials in the US. International restrictions on crude sales have put sharp pressure on the Iranian economy for years. Even so, the Iran helps fund Hezbollah, which has been trading rocket fire with Israel, as well as Houthi militants who have been attacking Western and Israeli ships in the Red Sea. It also backs the Palestinian group Hamas, which has been at war with Israel in Gaza for almost 11 months.”

Moscow and Beirut

“Over the last three decades, Shamkhani’s father Ali served as naval commander for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, defense minister and then Secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council, the country’s top security body.”

“The younger Shamkhani is in his 40s and was born in Tehran, according to people who have worked with him. He attended university in Moscow and Beirut before returning to the Iranian capital to obtain a Master of Business Administration, an archived LinkedIn profile says. Shamkhani’s Russian connections are particularly valuable at a time when Tehran and Moscow, both under Western sanctions, are strengthening their military and economic cooperation,” reported Bloomberg.

“My father never had nor does he have anything to do with my business activities,” Shamkhani said.

During a brief TV appearance in 2008, the elder Shamkhani said he advised his son to go into the private sector rather than follow in his footsteps with a government post.