Exclusive - Lebanon: Most Wanted Persons Enjoy Protection in Baalbek-Hermel

Lebanese soldiers patrol a street at the entrance of the border town of Arsal, in eastern Bekaa Valley, Lebanon. (Reuters)
Lebanese soldiers patrol a street at the entrance of the border town of Arsal, in eastern Bekaa Valley, Lebanon. (Reuters)
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Exclusive - Lebanon: Most Wanted Persons Enjoy Protection in Baalbek-Hermel

Lebanese soldiers patrol a street at the entrance of the border town of Arsal, in eastern Bekaa Valley, Lebanon. (Reuters)
Lebanese soldiers patrol a street at the entrance of the border town of Arsal, in eastern Bekaa Valley, Lebanon. (Reuters)

When you ask about the “Tuffar” (outlaws), residents of Lebanon’s Baalbek-Hermel region respond to you according to their political views. Among Hezbollah supporters, the label itself “targets the region and its reputation.” Those who oppose Hezbollah confirm that the most wanted persons are protected by the party in cooperation and coordination with state authorities. For them, the “Tuffar” are the source of all evils.

The label originates from the area of Baalbek-Hermel in the northern Bekaa. It describes outlaws who flee the country’s security services and take shelter in the outskirts of this region.

A man who called himself Duaas, an alias like the other names mentioned in this report, explained the meaning of this expression. In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he said: “Tuffar are outlaws who commit crimes in light of security chaos, such as drug trafficking, car theft, stolen cars trading and kidnapping for ransom. There are barely a hundred people and they remain at large despite the security plan.”

He continued: “On the other hand, there are those who flee the security forces for committing a one-time offense or misdemeanor, such as firing in the air during a wedding or at a funeral, engaging in a dispute between the clans and other… Those are difficult to count. It is true that there are 36,000 arrest warrants, but that does not mean that the number of wanted persons is the same, because one person could have dozens of arrest warrants against him.”

It is very difficult to communicate with outlaws, as they avoid any movement pending the end of the effects of the security plan. Someone tries to help you. He calls the head of cannabis farmers, but his phone is blocked for fear of security monitoring. But then you receive another phone number, on the condition you communicate via WhatsApp, which is hard to track.

The outlaw sounds confused. He speaks with caution and hostility. At first, you feel that he will hang up. Silence goes on. Then gradually, he starts recounting his story with a trembling voice.

He tells Asharq Al-Awsat that he worked as a driver for a relative who was transporting cannabis to Beirut. An arrest warrant was issued against him and the merchant. He was advised to flee
“because no one will believe that I have nothing to do with the drug trade and that I am just a driver.”

He was 19 years old and could not find another job. He has been on the run for six years. Sometimes he visits his family in his village, sleeps for a night or two, but does not fall asleep from anxiety and fear of being arrested. Then, he returns to the outskirts, awaiting the amnesty law to return to life, marry and have children. He swears that he will not work with any outlaws anymore.

According to a lawyer, who spoke on condition of anonymity and who works on the "outlaws" file in Baalbek-Hermel, the case of this young man is similar to those of most of the fugitives.

“Ninety percent of the fugitives were charged with either shooting in weddings or funerals or because of personal problems, cheques without provision, etc. Those wanted for drug offenses account for only 5 percent,” the lawyer said.

He explains that the outlaws are not pursued by the security services if they are wanted for simple offenses. On the other hand, security bodies “are not entitled to pursue the perpetrators of major crimes because they are protected by forces that prevent their arrest.”

“The slow pace of the judicial procedures make the violators choose to flee instead of surrendering,” the lawyer said, pointing to 4,000 to 5,000 cases in Baalbek-Hermel where convicts have nothing to do with charges brought against them.

A security official refused to blame the security forces for negligence, pointing out that they were acting under judicial guidance.

“The issue is not in our hands. There must be a firm political decision, as in the current security plan,” the official said.

“Jawad”, another resident, admitted that the security plan resulted in “psychological satisfaction” for the people of the area.

“But this plan did not lead to any arrests of offenders, perpetrators and outlaws, as they all disappeared as soon as it was announced. Those, who enjoy backing and support, have fled to Syria where they pursue their work,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

According to Duaas, “the security committee of (Hezbollah) has a good relationship with the outlaws… No one controls their moves except the committee. That means they have a cover that prevents them from being caught. We all know that no military unit can move in the area without the knowledge of Hezbollah and in coordination with its committee.”

“If one of them is wanted, they tell him to sleep outside his home,” he said, adding that whoever has a problem with the group or was no longer needed would be terminated for no reason.



Little Hope in Gaza that Arrest Warrants will Cool Israeli Onslaught

Palestinians gather to buy bread from a bakery, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip November 22, 2024. REUTERS/Hussam Al-Masri Purchase Licensing Rights
Palestinians gather to buy bread from a bakery, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip November 22, 2024. REUTERS/Hussam Al-Masri Purchase Licensing Rights
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Little Hope in Gaza that Arrest Warrants will Cool Israeli Onslaught

Palestinians gather to buy bread from a bakery, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip November 22, 2024. REUTERS/Hussam Al-Masri Purchase Licensing Rights
Palestinians gather to buy bread from a bakery, amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, in Khan Younis, in the southern Gaza Strip November 22, 2024. REUTERS/Hussam Al-Masri Purchase Licensing Rights

Gazans saw little hope on Friday that International Criminal Court arrest warrants for Israeli leaders would slow down the onslaught on the Palestinian territory, where medics said at least 24 people were killed in fresh Israeli military strikes.

In Gaza City in the north, an Israeli strike on a house in Shejaia killed eight people, medics said. Three others were killed in a strike near a bakery and a fisherman was killed as he set out to sea. In the central and southern areas, 12 people were killed in three separate Israeli airstrikes.

Meanwhile, Israeli forces deepened their incursion and bombardment of the northern edge of the enclave, their main offensive since early last month. The military says it aims to prevent Hamas fighters from waging attacks and regrouping there; residents say they fear the aim is to permanently depopulate a strip of territory as a buffer zone, which Israel denies.

Residents in the three besieged towns on the northern edge - Jabalia, Beit Lahiya and Beit Hanoun - said Israeli forces had blown up dozens of houses.

An Israeli strike hit the Kamal Adwan Hospital in Beit Lahiya, one of three medical facilities barely operational in the area, injuring six medical staff, some critically, the Gaza health ministry said in a statement, Reuters reported.

"The strike also destroyed the hospital's main generator, and punctured the water tanks, leaving the hospital without oxygen or water, which threatens the lives of patients and staff inside the hospital," it added. It said 85 wounded people including children and women were inside, eight in the ICU.

Later on Friday, the Gaza health ministry said all hospital services across the enclave would stop within 48 hours unless fuel shipments are permitted, blaming restrictions which Israel says are designed to stop fuel being used by Hamas.

Gazans saw the ICC's decision to seek the arrest of Israeli leaders for suspected war crimes as international recognition of the enclave's plight. But those queuing for bread at a bakery in the southern city of Khan Younis were doubtful it would have any impact.

"The decision will not be implemented because America protects Israel, and it can veto anything. Israel will not be held accountable," said Saber Abu Ghali, as he waited for his turn in the crowd.

Saeed Abu Youssef, 75, said even if justice were to arrive, it would be decades late: "We have been hearing decisions for more than 76 years that have not been implemented and haven't done anything for us."

Since Hamas's October 7th attack on Israel, nearly 44,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza, much of which has been laid to waste.

The court's prosecutors said there were reasonable grounds to believe Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former Defense Minister Yoav Gallant were criminally responsible for acts including murder, persecution, and starvation as a weapon of war, as part of a "widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population of Gaza".

The Hague-based court also ordered the arrest of the top Hamas commander Ibrahim Al-Masri, also known as Mohammed Deif. Israel says it has already killed him, which Hamas has not confirmed.

Israel says Hamas is to blame for all harm to Gaza's civilians, for operating among them, which Hamas denies.

Israeli politicians from across the political spectrum have denounced the ICC arrest warrants as biased and based on false evidence, and Israel says the court has no jurisdiction over the war. Hamas hailed the arrest warrants as a first step towards justice.

Efforts by Arab mediators Qatar and Egypt backed by the United States to conclude a ceasefire deal have stalled. Hamas wants a deal that ends the war, while Netanyahu has vowed the war can end only once Hamas is eradicated.