16 Years after his Overthrow, Saddam Still Looms Large over Iraq

A US soldier watches as a statue of Iraq's President Saddam Hussein falls in central Baghdad, Iraq April 9, 2003. (Reuters)
A US soldier watches as a statue of Iraq's President Saddam Hussein falls in central Baghdad, Iraq April 9, 2003. (Reuters)
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16 Years after his Overthrow, Saddam Still Looms Large over Iraq

A US soldier watches as a statue of Iraq's President Saddam Hussein falls in central Baghdad, Iraq April 9, 2003. (Reuters)
A US soldier watches as a statue of Iraq's President Saddam Hussein falls in central Baghdad, Iraq April 9, 2003. (Reuters)

Tuesday marked the 16th anniversary of the US invasion of Iraq that ended the 35-year rule of the Baath party and overthrew its one leader Saddam Hussein.

American troops arrested Saddam in December later that year after it discovered his hideout in the Salaheddine province. He was turned over to the new Iraqi authorities that put him on trial for crimes against humanity. He was executed four years later in January 2007.

Despite the long years that have passed since the collapse of his regime and execution, Saddam’s shadow still looms large over the lives of Iraqis, whether in everyday life or in politics. The people remain divided over assessing the Baath era and Saddam’s dictatorship when compared to the new era of “democracy” that has emerged from their ashes.

Debate has raged on whether April 9, the day the former regime collapsed, should be considered a national holiday or a day to mark the beginning of occupation. In the early years after the overthrow, ruling authorities used to declare the day a national holiday. The current government of Prime Minister Adel Abdul Mahdi and his predecessors Haidar al-Abadi and Nuri al-Maliki did not.

The debate on whether Iraq was better off under Saddam’s regime or under the current rule rages on. Some sides that used to oppose him have shifted their stance and said in recent days that their lives were better under the former regime.

MP and former opponent Faiq al-Sheikh Ali openly praised Saddam and his predecessor Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr, saying that they had distributed residential land on the people for free throughout their years in power.

“The new thieves that the US has chosen from the streets have not done so,” he remarked.

Some two months ago, a poet from the South recited a popular poem in praise of Saddam’s era and which criticized the current regime. The incident prompted local authorities to arrest him on charges of promoting Saddam’s rule, which is considered a crime by the Accountability and Justice Act.

The growing support for the Saddam era among various political and popular circles has prompted several political powers to activate the act and adopt strict measures against advocates of the former Baath regime.

The majority of those voicing support for the Saddam years are only doing so as an indirect way to highlight the current regime’s corruption, mismanagement and sectarianism that it has been cementing for over a decade and a half in power. Their praise for Saddam does not necessarily mean that he was a model to be followed.

This was perhaps best exemplified by an article released by Sadrist leader Moqtada al-Sadr on the anniversary of the US invasion. Sadr, whose father Ayatollah Mohammed Sadeq was assassinated by the Saddam regime in 1999, said that 16 years after the fall of the Baath regime, the “people are still marginalized.”

“Despite 16 years since the collapse of the dictator, Iraq is still suffering from the horrors of war, poverty, corruption, oppression and degradation. Ignorance, oppression of liberties and abuse of religion have become rampant,” he added.

“Sixteen years and the Baath ideology still grips those in power. Sectarianism still eats away at the foundations of the state to, unfortunately, spread among the people.”

“Sixteen years and Iraq is still a stranger among its surroundings and neighbors as neither do its people want to be open to others and nor does their government seek to do so. Sixteen years and the Iraqi people bow their heads in shame over the corruption of their government. Sixteen years and the militias are still controlling the will of the government and the lives of the people,” Sadr lamented.

Abadi meanwhile, said that Iraq was in need of a “reassessment” of the political process and structure of the state in order to introduce reform. In a statement Tuesday, he said: “All political parties and powers must assume their national historic responsibilities towards the state and its fate.”

Debate in Iraq has even raged about the fate of Saddam’s numerous presidential palaces. The people have directed severe criticism against authorities for their neglect of these palaces, which were supposed to be transformed into recreational and tourist destinations that are a reminder of the former regime.

MP Ali al-Bdeiri said that all countries, except for Iraq, invest in landmarks that are reminders of previous regimes.



Long Silenced by Fear, Syrians Now Speak about Rampant Torture under Assad

People walk through a corridor of Syria's infamous Saydnaya military prison, just north of Damascus, Syria, on Dec. 9, 2024. (AP)
People walk through a corridor of Syria's infamous Saydnaya military prison, just north of Damascus, Syria, on Dec. 9, 2024. (AP)
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Long Silenced by Fear, Syrians Now Speak about Rampant Torture under Assad

People walk through a corridor of Syria's infamous Saydnaya military prison, just north of Damascus, Syria, on Dec. 9, 2024. (AP)
People walk through a corridor of Syria's infamous Saydnaya military prison, just north of Damascus, Syria, on Dec. 9, 2024. (AP)

Handcuffed and squatting on the floor, Abdullah Zahra saw smoke rising from his cellmate’s flesh as his torturers gave him electric shocks.

Then it was Zahra’s turn. They hanged the 20-year-old university student from his wrists and electrocuted and beat him for two hours. They made his father watch and taunted him about his son’s torment.

That was 2012, and the entire security apparatus of Syria’s then-President Bashar Assad was deployed to crush the protests against his rule.

With Assad’s fall a month ago, the machinery of death that he ran is starting to come out into the open.

It was systematic and well-organized, growing to more than 100 detention facilities into which tens of thousands disappeared over more than a decade. Torture, sexual violence and mass executions were rampant, according to rights groups and former prisoners.

A blanket of fear kept Syrians silent about their experiences or lost loved ones. But now, everyone is talking. After the insurgents who swept Assad out of power on Dec. 8 opened prisons and detention facilities, crowds swarmed in, searching for answers, bodies of loved ones, and ways to heal.

The Associated Press visited seven of these facilities in Damascus and spoke to nine former detainees. Some details of the accounts by those who spoke to the AP could not be independently confirmed, but they matched past reports by former detainees to human rights groups.

Days after Assad’s fall, Zahra — now 33 — came to visit Branch 215, a detention facility run by military intelligence in Damascus where he was held for two months.

There, he said, he was kept in a windowless underground cell, 4-by-4-meters (yards) and crammed with 100 other inmates. When ventilators were cut off -- either intentionally or because of a power failure -- some suffocated. Men went mad; torture wounds festered. When a cellmate died, they stowed his body next to the cell’s toilet until jailers collected corpses, Zahra said.

“Death was the least bad thing,” he said. “We reached a place where death was easier than staying here for one minute.”

A member of the security forces for the new interim Syrian government stands next to prison cells at the Palestine Branch, a detention facility operated by the General Intelligence Agency during Bashar al-Assad's regime, in Damascus, Syria, on Dec. 14, 2024. (AP)

Assad’s system of repression grew as civil war raged

After he and his father were released, Zahra fled to opposition-held areas. Within a few months, security agents returned and dragged off 13 of his male relatives, including a younger brother and, again, his father.

All were killed. Zahra later recognized their bodies among photos leaked by a defector showing thousands killed in detention. Their bodies were never recovered.

Rights groups estimate at least 150,000 people went missing since anti-government protests began in 2011, most vanishing into detention facilities. Many were killed, either in mass executions or from torture and prison conditions. The exact number remains unknown.

Even before the uprising, Assad had ruled with an iron fist. But as protests turned into a civil war that would last 14 years, Assad expanded his system of repression. New detention facilities run by military, security and intelligence agencies sprung up in security compounds, military airports and under buildings.

At Branch 215, Zahra hoped to find some sign of his lost relatives. But there was nothing. At home, his aunt, Rajaa Zahra, looked at the leaked pictures of her killed children for the first time – something she had long refused to do. She lost four of her six sons in Assad’s crackdowns. Her brother, she said, lost two of his three sons.

“They were hoping to finish off all the young men of the country.”

A site believed to be a mass grave for detainees killed under Bashar al-Assad's rule is visible in Najha, south of Damascus, Syria, on Dec. 17, 2024. (AP)

Syrians were tortured with ‘the tire’ and ‘magic carpet’

The tortures had names. One was called the “magic carpet,” where a detainee was strapped to a hinged wooden plank that bends in half, folding his head to his feet, which were then beaten.

Abdul-Karim Hajeko said he endured this five times. His torturers stomped on his back during interrogations at the Criminal Security branch, and his vertebrae are still broken.

“My screams would go to heaven. Once a doctor came down from the fourth floor (to the ground floor) because of my screams,” he said.

He was also put in “the tire.” His legs were bent inside a car tire as interrogators beat his back and feet. Afterward, they ordered him to kiss the tire and thank it for teaching him “how to behave.”

Many prisoners said the tire was inflicted for rule violations -- like making noise, raising one’s head in front of guards, or praying – or for no reason at all.

Saleh Turki Yahia said a cellmate died nearly every day during the seven months in 2012 he was held at the Palestine Branch, a detention facility run by the General Intelligence Agency. He said he was given electric shocks, hanged from his wrists, beaten on his feet. He lost half his body weight and nearly tore his own skin scratching from scabies.

“They broke us,” he said, breaking into tears as he visited the Palestine Branch. “A whole generation is destroyed.”

Documents are scattered around Branch 215, a detention facility run by Bashar al-Assad's regime, in Damascus, Syria, on Dec. 17, 2024. (AP)

The mounting evidence will be used in trials

Now comes the monumental task of accounting for the missing and compiling evidence that could one day be used to prosecute Assad’s officials, whether by Syrian or international courts.

Hundreds of thousands of documents remain scattered throughout detention facilities. Some seen by the AP included transcripts of phone conversations; intelligence files on activists; and a list of hundreds of prisoners killed in detention. At least 15 mass graves have been identified around Damascus and elsewhere around the country.

A UN body known as the International Impartial and Independent Mechanism has offered to help the new interim administration in collecting, organizing and analyzing all the material. Since 2011, it has been compiling evidence and supporting investigations in over 200 criminal cases against figures in Assad’s government.

Many want answers now.

Officials cannot just declare that the missing are presumed dead, said Wafaa Mustafa, a Syrian journalist, whose father was detained and killed 12 years ago.

“No one gets to tell the families what happened without evidence, without search, without work.”