Testimony of Syrian ‘Gravedigger’ at German Court Rivals Horrors of Nazi Crimes

An installation of 49 figures dressed with cloth of torture victims, by Syrian artist Khaled Barakeh, stands in front of a Koblenz courtroom during the first trial against suspected members of Syrian president Bashar Assad's security services for crimes against humanity in Koblenz, Germany, July 1, 2020. (Reuters)
An installation of 49 figures dressed with cloth of torture victims, by Syrian artist Khaled Barakeh, stands in front of a Koblenz courtroom during the first trial against suspected members of Syrian president Bashar Assad's security services for crimes against humanity in Koblenz, Germany, July 1, 2020. (Reuters)
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Testimony of Syrian ‘Gravedigger’ at German Court Rivals Horrors of Nazi Crimes

An installation of 49 figures dressed with cloth of torture victims, by Syrian artist Khaled Barakeh, stands in front of a Koblenz courtroom during the first trial against suspected members of Syrian president Bashar Assad's security services for crimes against humanity in Koblenz, Germany, July 1, 2020. (Reuters)
An installation of 49 figures dressed with cloth of torture victims, by Syrian artist Khaled Barakeh, stands in front of a Koblenz courtroom during the first trial against suspected members of Syrian president Bashar Assad's security services for crimes against humanity in Koblenz, Germany, July 1, 2020. (Reuters)

The “gravedigger’s” testimony at the Syrian war crimes trial in Germany created shock in the courtroom as he gave his horrific account of crimes committed by the regime. The grisly details brought to mind the familiar horrors of Nazi crimes, leaving the courtroom reeling.

The “gravedigger”, whose identity remains concealed at the hearing, said he continues to be haunted by the mass graves he dug for the victims killed by the Syrian regime during the nearly decade-long conflict. One image that has been etched in his memory is that of a deceased, woman who was still hugging her dead child, whom he lowered into a mass grave in Damascus.

Recalling such horrors, the witness broke down in tears before the court. The presiding judge at the Koblenz court adjourned the session until he could collect himself. Once resumed, the “gravedigger” recalled another horrific image, that of a man piled onto hundreds or even thousands of corpses, who was still breathing. The supervising Syrian officer noticed that he was still alive and ordered the vehicle that was digging up the grave to run him over, turning him into yet another corpse in the mass grave.

Such stories went on throughout the gravedigger’s three-hour testimony.

The unprecedented court is trying former Syrian intelligence senior officer Anwar Raslan and former officer Eyad al-Gharib for crimes against humanity committed in Syria after the 2011 uprising. The trial kicked off four months ago and is the first against security officials in Bashar Assad’s regimes for crimes against humanity. Raslan and Gharib are still the only two officials whom lawyers and Syrian and European activists have compiled complete cases against.

Raslan is accused of torturing some 4,000 people and killing 58 others at the Khatib detention center in Damascus. Gharib is accused of arresting protesters and turning them over to the center where they were tortured and sometimes killed.

Since the opening of the trial in Koblenz on April 23, the world listened with extreme shock to firsthand accounts of the horrors endured by the Syrian people for years: arbitrary arrests, severe torture, mass graves dug up by the regime…

Syrian lawyer Anwar al-Bunni had persuaded witnesses to testify at the court. He himself gave his testimony after spending years in jail in Syria. He is now living in Germany where he is working tirelessly to bring justice to the Syrian people.

He spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat of the German people’s shock to learn of the crimes that have been committed in Syria. Many have compared them to Nazi crimes and the Auschwitz trials.

“The greatest shock of all is that these crimes are still happening in Syria,” he added.

The “gravedigger”, he said, had continued to work on burying the detainees until 2017 when he left the country. He confirmed that these crimes are still being committed in Syrian jails.

The most significant revelation provided by the witness, added Bunni, was the “missing link”. He said that people have often wondered where the corpses were being buried. “What happens to the detainees when they enter the security department branches and then disappear?”

“We now know,” Bunni remarked. Most significant of all, he stressed, was that the gravedigger confirmed that all security departments throughout Syria were complicit in the systematic mass killing, meaning the whole regime is involved.

Many families of missing Syrians learned of the fate of their loved ones after seeing photographs of their corpses taken by a former Syrian army photographer, codenamed Caesar, who fled in August 2013 with thousands of photos that document the regime’s crimes. It was his job to record the deaths in military prisons. The photos, which show the world the atrocities of the regime, are but some evidence the prosecution is using at the Koblenz trial.

Mass graves
The gravedigger continued his grim testimony by recalling how corpses were transported in refrigerated trucks from all security departments and military and even civilian hospitals. He detailed how he was “recruited” by a member of Syrian intelligence in 2011. He was tasked to form a team of 10 to 15 men who would be in charge of escorting the trucks, which would be loaded with bodies, four times a week to mass graves. The gravedigger said the intelligence provided him with a small truck without a license plate and that was covered with posters of president Bashar Assad. Some three trucks used to transport hundreds of bodies that were piled on top of each other. Each truck was designated to specific security departments and detention centers.

The bodies, however, did not have names. All that identified them were the signs of torture. Some faces were disfigured, possibly by acid. The corpses were just numbers for the perpetrators. The numbers were etched on the chests or foreheads of the victims. Some corpses were dumped in graves with their hands still tied behind their backs. All the bodies showed signs of beatings, many had their nails plucked out.

The gravedigger estimated that each truck transported some 300 to 700 corpses at a time. They would embark on their grisly journey at dawn from the Tishreen, Harasta and Mezzeh military hospitals to two mass graves in al-Qutayfah north of Damascus and al-Najha to its south. The bodies are unceremoniously dumped in a massive 6-meter deep and 100-long pit. Each pit would take some 150 truck trips to fill.

The gravedigger performed this job from 2011 to 2017. No details were revealed about his identity, despite the defense’s demands, for fear over the safety of his family that is still in Syria. His testimony concluded the witness testimonies, which included five from former detainees.

Raslan’s voice and face
None of the detainees could identify Raslan by looking at his face because they were always blindfolded when he interrogated them at the Khatib detention center. However, evidence is available that showed that he was an interrogator at the center and that he ordered the torture of prisoners.

He has refused to appear before the trial and is only speaking through his lawyer. Prior to the beginning of the trial, he confessed to a German investigator that he had interrogated one of the main witnesses at the trial: Wassim Mukdad, the famed Syrian musician who sought refuge in Germany. Mukdad told the court that he was interrogated by only one officer during his time in detention and that he would be able to identify him by hearing his voice as he was always blindfolded. The musician and other witnesses requested a sample of Raslan’s voice to confirm his identity but his lawyer vehemently refused.

Even though the witnesses have not identified Raslan, Bunni told Asharq Al-Awsat that upcoming witnesses will be able to verify him by looking at his face because they had seen him at detention centers.

The hearings will resume in May.

Raslan had defected from the regime and arrived in Germany as a refugee in 2015. He has rejected the accusations against him, saying he had no knowledge of the alleged torture at the Khatib detention center. He even claimed that he used to help some of the prisoners.

He was arrested in Berlin after he turned to the police to explain to them that he was concerned that he was being watched by other Syrians. He admitted in his request that he was a former officer in the Syrian army, which prompted the police to refer his case to the criminal police to probe whether he may be tried for possible crimes.

Gharib arrived in Germany in 2018 and was arrested after providing testimony before immigration authorities. He admitted that he used to work for Syrian intelligence, but has rejected the accusations against him.



Is US Military Cooperation with Ethiopia Driven by Anger over Egypt-China Rapprochement?

US President Donald Trump during his meets with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on the sidelines of the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. (Egyptian Presidency)
US President Donald Trump during his meets with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on the sidelines of the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. (Egyptian Presidency)
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Is US Military Cooperation with Ethiopia Driven by Anger over Egypt-China Rapprochement?

US President Donald Trump during his meets with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on the sidelines of the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. (Egyptian Presidency)
US President Donald Trump during his meets with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on the sidelines of the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly in September 2018. (Egyptian Presidency)

A US defense agreement with Ethiopia was announced days before an important visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping to Cairo that saw agreements and memorandums of understanding signed in several fields and coincided with joint Egyptian-Chinese air exercises.

The timing raised questions over whether Washington’s military cooperation with Addis Ababa was driven by “US anger at Cairo” and what objectives it serves amid tensions in the Horn of Africa.

The United States and Ethiopia signed a defense agreement on Aug. 21 during an official visit by an Ethiopian military delegation to Washington. Both sides described it as a strategic framework aimed at strengthening military and security cooperation, protecting national interests and securing mutual benefits.

Raafat Mahmoud, head of the African Affairs Research Unit at the Egyptian Cabinet's Information and Decision Support Center (IDSC), told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington was seeking to rebuild ties with Addis Ababa after years of tension, particularly over the Tigray war and US criticism of Ethiopia’s human rights record.

He argued that the agreement showed Ethiopia had become part of broader US calculations involving Red Sea security, countering Chinese and Russian influence and combating armed groups in the Horn.

Ethiopian lawmaker Mohammed Al-Arusi noted that Washington views the Horn as directly linked to Red Sea security, international trade and maritime routes, while also facing terrorist threats.

“Ethiopia lies at the heart of this geography, with its demographic, political and military weight across a broad region, and it hosts the permanent headquarters of the African Union,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat. Washington, he added, was not seeking a temporary stance but it is “rebuilding its position in a region where the balance of power is changing.”

US Republican and strategic affairs expert Adolfo Franco cautioned that the agreement lacks formally binding treaties and direct financial funding, adding that future defense exports remain subject to strict restrictions and case-by-case assessments, including human rights considerations.

Al-Arusi pointed to a US-Ethiopian dialogue launched in May covering economics, trade, investment, defense and security. The defense track advanced just three months later, a sequence he said showed Washington was approaching Ethiopia with long-term considerations.

Mahmoud said growing US support could strengthen Ethiopia’s negotiating position not only on water but also in its efforts to secure maritime access and expand its presence in the Red Sea region.

Recent media reports have portrayed the US-Ethiopian rapprochement as Washington’s response to Egypt’s growing ties with China, highlighted by Xi’s visit to Cairo this week.

Mahmoud countered that Egyptian-Chinese rapprochement was not new, although recent developments naturally raised sensitivities in Washington, particularly amid expanding economic and security cooperation.

In January 2026, Ethiopia and China elevated their relations to an “all-weather strategic partnership,” nearly two years after Egypt and China upgraded their ties to a “strategic partnership” in 2024.

Al-Arusi argued that Washington’s expanding partnership with Addis Ababa should not be viewed as replacing one partner with another, but rather as evidence of Ethiopia’s growing strategic value.

Former US diplomat Henry Ensher told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington wants a security partner in the Horn and that Ethiopia is the best option given its capabilities.

While China and the United States compete in Africa, Egypt is the more important partner, he said, making it unlikely that Washington would use this approach to confront or punish Cairo.


Syrian Official to Asharq Al-Awsat: Integration Process Following SDF Dissolution Is Moving Toward Completion

A convoy of Syrian security forces and Special Operations Forces enters the headquarters of the “Vanguards Camp” Regiment in Hasakah (Hasakah Media)
A convoy of Syrian security forces and Special Operations Forces enters the headquarters of the “Vanguards Camp” Regiment in Hasakah (Hasakah Media)
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Syrian Official to Asharq Al-Awsat: Integration Process Following SDF Dissolution Is Moving Toward Completion

A convoy of Syrian security forces and Special Operations Forces enters the headquarters of the “Vanguards Camp” Regiment in Hasakah (Hasakah Media)
A convoy of Syrian security forces and Special Operations Forces enters the headquarters of the “Vanguards Camp” Regiment in Hasakah (Hasakah Media)

Ahmad al-Hilali, deputy governor of Hasakah, told Asharq Al-Awsat on Friday that the integration process stipulated in the “January 29, 2026 Agreement” has moved, following the dissolution of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the former Kurdish Autonomous Administration, from “the stage of understandings and negotiations to actual implementation, whether in civilian institutions or in the security and military sectors.”

He described the security situation as “much better” and said “stability is gradually strengthening,” stressing that the process “is moving toward completion, and what we want is for it to take place calmly.”

Since SDF commander Mazloum Abdi announced from the presidential palace in Damascus on August 25 the dissolution of the SDF and the Autonomous Administration, Hasakah has witnessed a series of developments and changes signaling the emergence of a new phase in the governorate. Its defining features are the restoration of state authority across all sectors, stronger security and stability, the unification of institutions, and the end of administrative duplication, in accordance with the January 29 Agreement.

In his remarks, al-Hilali said that “the integration process is not simply a matter of transferring buildings or changing names. It is about reunifying institutional authority, administrative decision-making, and security and military command under the umbrella of the Syrian state.”

He said significant steps had already been completed in this direction, while work was underway to address the remaining files in an orderly manner that would prevent any institutional or security vacuum and preserve stability in the governorate.

Before the announcement of the SDF's dissolution, most cities and areas in Hasakah had experienced security disorder involving the Revolutionary Youth. Such incidents increased after the signing of the January 29 Agreement, when members of the group prevented the handover of institutions to the government. That situation, however, has now disappeared.

Al-Hilali attributed the disappearance of the previous unrest primarily to the fact that “the phase has changed.”

“Previously, there were attempts to obstruct the process of transferring state institutions, and some activities emerged aimed at disrupting this course. But as implementation of the agreement progressed and the direction toward ending institutional and security duplication became clear, these manifestations declined significantly,” he said.

According to al-Hilali, “There is now a growing conviction among everyone that state institutions should not be a subject of conflict or confrontation, and that the integration process is moving toward completion.”

“What we want is for this process to take place calmly, away from provocation and tension, and for all residents of the governorate to feel that the return of state institutions means the return of services, the rule of law and stability, and is not directed against any component of society,” he said.

Asked when the integration of military, security and civilian institutions would be fully completed, the deputy governor said: “I do not want to set an artificial date for a process of this scale and complexity, because some files require technical, administrative and security procedures before they can be formally closed.”

He added: “But I can say that we are at a very advanced stage and that the overall direction is clearly toward completing the integration as soon as possible.”

He noted that “the bulk of the work is now in the implementation phase, while what remains consists of detailed files requiring the completion of arrangements, verification and coordination among the ministries and relevant authorities.”

Women fighters from the Women's Protection Units (YPJ) take part in military traning in Hasakah, Syria, August 22, 2026. REUTERS/Orhan Qereman

Pending Files

Al-Hilali said: “What matters most to us is that the integration be complete, genuine and sustainable, rather than merely a political announcement whose impact fades after a short period.”

Asked about the main outstanding issues preventing the completion of the integration process, al-Hilali said the remaining files could be divided into three main tracks.

“First is the military and security file, involving the completion of the restructuring of personnel and cadres and the integration of those who meet the requirements into the Ministries of Defense and Interior in accordance with the established procedures,” he said.

“The second is the administrative and civilian file, particularly the status of employees and staff, the mechanisms for confirming their positions and paying their entitlements, and the integration of institutions and departments whose transfer to the state has not yet been completed.”

“The third involves a number of service-related, technical and administrative files linked to the transfer of powers and the reunification of operating systems, databases and resources.”

Al-Hilali said these issues “do not represent an obstacle to the integration process so much as they are implementation files that need to be completed.”

“The political decision is clear and the overall direction has been settled: state institutions will be unified, authority will rest with the Syrian state, and the rights of all citizens and components of the governorate will be preserved,” he said.

The rise of the Autonomous Administration

The first foundations of the Kurdish Autonomous Administration, which sought to establish a “Kurdish project in Syria,” emerged through the formation of the Kurdish Supreme Committee. It was established by Syria's Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the Kurdish National Council following the signing of the Erbil Agreement on July 12, 2012.

A military wing was subsequently established for the committee, comprising the People's Protection Units (YPG), the Women's Protection Units (YPJ) and the Asayish security forces. The SDF was later formed in 2015, under predominantly Kurdish leadership.

The geographic footprint of the Autonomous Administration expanded from three cantons in 2014 to six in 2016 and seven by 2023. This territorial expansion was accompanied by the growth of its military and security apparatus and civilian institutions, which collectively included tens of thousands of personnel.

The SDF subsequently lost a significant portion of its territory during armed clashes that erupted between its fighters and the Syrian army in late 2025 and early 2026. The fighting lasted about two weeks and was followed by the signing of the January 29, 2026 Agreement.

The agreement between the Syrian government and the SDF called for a ceasefire and the gradual integration into Syrian state institutions of the military and civilian institutions established by the Kurds during the years of conflict. It also called for the handover of border crossings and oil and gas fields, as well as the withdrawal of foreign fighters from the region.


Lebanon's Ali Al-Taher Ridge, Strategic Hezbollah Position Israel Says It Seized

31 August 2026, Lebanon, Arnoun: Smoke billows after an Israeli detonation on Arnoun, not far from the strategic hill of Ali al-Taher ridge. (dpa)
31 August 2026, Lebanon, Arnoun: Smoke billows after an Israeli detonation on Arnoun, not far from the strategic hill of Ali al-Taher ridge. (dpa)
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Lebanon's Ali Al-Taher Ridge, Strategic Hezbollah Position Israel Says It Seized

31 August 2026, Lebanon, Arnoun: Smoke billows after an Israeli detonation on Arnoun, not far from the strategic hill of Ali al-Taher ridge. (dpa)
31 August 2026, Lebanon, Arnoun: Smoke billows after an Israeli detonation on Arnoun, not far from the strategic hill of Ali al-Taher ridge. (dpa)

Southern Lebanon's Ali al-Taher ridge, which the Israeli army on Thursday said it captured, was a strategic position for Iran-backed Hezbollah, where it was believed to have established a command center.

Hezbollah did not confirm losing the highland, which is around 10 kilometers (six miles) from the border with Israel and was targeted by several Israeli strikes in recent weeks despite a ceasefire.

The ridge, a flashpoint since Hezbollah drew Lebanon into the Middle East war in March, lies close to the major city of Nabatieh and the Litani River.

It is just a few kilometers from UNESCO-listed Beaufort castle, another strategic site that Israel captured in recent months and continues to occupy.

Ali al-Taher ridge, on the edge of the Israeli-proclaimed occupied "security zone", overlooks surrounding areas and key districts further north, and sits atop a network of tunnels.

During US-mediated negotiations between Lebanon and Israel, Washington proposed the Lebanese military take over the ridge, but Hezbollah refused, according to a source close to the talks.

Military expert Riad Kahwaji told AFP that the ridge is "in between several villages and adjacent to the city of Nabatieh" with a "web of tunnels (that) connects these villages around it".

On Friday, Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said the capture "marks the completion of the phase of securing control in the security zone in southern Lebanon", meaning the Lebanese territory Israel occupied during the war.

- 'Command centers' -

The Israeli military on Thursday said that the tunnel network included "command centers (and) weapons storage rooms".

"The infrastructure is a strategic underground network that was built over two decades and funded and planned by the Iranian terror regime," it added.

Kahwaji, who heads the INEGMA military analysis institute, said the hilltops overlook Iqlim al-Tuffah, an area further from the border where Hezbollah holds sway, as well as part of the country's east.

Control of the area would therefore "give the Israelis an easy passage to move on both sides".

Speaking to journalists including AFP last month, Hezbollah spokesman Youssef al-Zein refused to say how many of the group's fighters were at the Ali al-Taher position. He denied any Iranian personnel were there, as had been reported in some media outlets.

He claimed that Israel had "exaggerated the importance of Ali al-Taher" as a military objective but also vowed that Hezbollah would "defend this position as much as it can".

The ridge is located right above the Litani. Hezbollah agreed to disarm in areas south of the river under a 2024 ceasefire that sought to end its previous war with Israel.

Two years later, Hezbollah dragged Lebanon into the broader Middle East war by attacking Israel in support of Iran.

Israel responded with airstrikes and a ground invasion that Lebanon says have killed more than 4,300 people.

The conflict has calmed since a US-Iran memorandum of understanding and a framework agreement between Lebanon and Israel agreed in June. But Israeli strikes continue and violence persisted around Ali al-Taher.

On August 15, Israel's army launched its deadliest strikes in weeks in response to what it said was a Hezbollah attack against its soldiers in the area.

In June, Israel's army published an updated map showing the parts of south Lebanon it considers within its "security zone" where its troops are operating, expanding the area to include the Ali al-Taher ridge.