Sudan’s Water Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: Ethiopia’s Proposal Is ‘Suspicious’ as it Seeks Imposing a ‘Fait Accompli’

Sudan’s Irrigation and Water Minister Yasir Abbas Mohammed, Asharq Al-Awsat
Sudan’s Irrigation and Water Minister Yasir Abbas Mohammed, Asharq Al-Awsat
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Sudan’s Water Minister to Asharq Al-Awsat: Ethiopia’s Proposal Is ‘Suspicious’ as it Seeks Imposing a ‘Fait Accompli’

Sudan’s Irrigation and Water Minister Yasir Abbas Mohammed, Asharq Al-Awsat
Sudan’s Irrigation and Water Minister Yasir Abbas Mohammed, Asharq Al-Awsat

Sudan’s Irrigation and Water Minister Yasir Abbas Mohammed has described Ethiopia’s recent proposal for data exchange on its disputed Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) as “suspicious” and likely an attempt to buy more time.

Ethiopia’s offer, according to the minister, is most likely a political tactic looking to impose a fait accompli on concerned downstream countries, namely Egypt and Sudan.

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Mohammed justified Sudan’s rejection of the tabled proposition by pointing out its shortcomings, which include a lack of clarity on which data and information would be exchanged exactly.

He added that Ethiopia’s suggestion to nominate dam operators for data exchange before the filling of GERD in upcoming rainy seasons fails in defining important details for the safe and fair operation and filling the controversial dam.

Perhaps most important of all, the pitch for data exchange does not cover the grounds needed for ensuring that safety measures are in place and effective.

Sudan fears that the GERD will put the operation of its Roseires dam, which is located nearby the Ethiopian dam, and the lives of millions of Sudanese citizens at “a very high risk” if an agreement regulating its operation and filling is not reached.

As for speculations of armed conflict breaking out over GERD, Mohammed said that chances of war are “weak.”

Why did Sudan reject the Ethiopian offer to exchange data on the second filling of GERD?

We rejected Ethiopia’s offer because it is selective. It only covers naming operators for following up on the testing of the dam’s lower gates. The proposal does not include sharing important data like GERD’s filling dates and details and safety documents that we need to maintain safety at the Roseires dam.

Although we welcome the Ethiopian initiative, we stress the need for sharing vital information under a binding legal agreement that will ensure the sustainability and continuity of data exchange.

Can an agreement be reached within the little time left before Ethiopia’s deadline for the second filling of GERD in July?

Throughout talks, despite the hiccups, there was great progress. We managed to agree on about 90% of terms. Three legal points and four technical points remain unsettled. Altogether, they amount to no more than 10%, but are considered important and demand political will.

We expect that an agreement can be reached within a day or two after resolving those key points. The time left before the second filling is sufficient to sign an agreement, because there is not much left to negotiate. We just need the political will for it.

What are the outstanding issues?

Three main legal points are currently throwing a spanner in the works and they are dam filling, dam operation, and ensuring the equitable distribution of Nile waters.

Sudan has proposed granting Ethiopia the full right to the unlimited use of Blue Nile waters for irrigation, electricity and potable water if it abides by international law that guarantees the equitable distribution of resources. Requesting adherence to international law does not mean curtailing Ethiopia’s use of Nile waters.

As for the unsolved technical issues, they are not difficult to sort out if a binding agreement is first produced for the abovementioned legal points. Finding an agreement for them would be very easy.

What concerns did Ethiopia voice during negotiations?

There are no real concerns. The only present worries about Ethiopia's right to future use of Blue Nile waters. On that matter, Sudan was the one to propose Article 14 of the Declaration of Principles on GERD, which gives Ethiopia the full right to future projects on the Blue Nile in accordance with international law.

How did Sudan go from recognizing GERD’s many benefits to viewing it as a real threat?

Sudan’s position changed after Ethiopia dodged signing a binding legal agreement.

Yes, GERD can bring great benefits to Sudan as it regulates the flow of water, increased hydroelectric generation and reduces the risk of floods, but it will turn into a real threat in the absence of a compelling deal.

Before, Ethiopia was keen on achieving agreement. But since last July, it started insisting on filling the dam without first achieving any compelling accord. Ethiopia’s fait accompli policy converts GERD to a threat, especially to the operation of the nearby Roseires dam.

GERD is not located in Ethiopia’s heartland, it is only a mere 15 kilometers away from our borders, and 100 kilometers from Sudan’s Roseires dam. Without a binding legal agreement, GERD becomes a threat to Sudan, with all its benefits turning into risks.



Mashhadani to Asharq Al-Awsat: Regional Coordination Needed to Prevent Syria’s Division

Mashhadani during a parliamentary session (Iraqi Parliament website)
Mashhadani during a parliamentary session (Iraqi Parliament website)
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Mashhadani to Asharq Al-Awsat: Regional Coordination Needed to Prevent Syria’s Division

Mashhadani during a parliamentary session (Iraqi Parliament website)
Mashhadani during a parliamentary session (Iraqi Parliament website)

Iraqi Parliament Speaker Mahmoud al-Mashhadani has called for high-level coordination among key regional players—including Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and other nations—to avert one of the most dangerous scenarios facing Syria: the threat of division, which he described as “one of Israel’s objectives.”

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, Mashhadani discussed the Syrian crisis and its impact on Iraq and the broader region. He explained that the current Syrian situation has unfolded with unforeseen tools, timing, and external support, yet remains controlled and deliberate.

According to the Iraqi official, Syria faces three possible outcomes: stability, chaos, or division.

“Who supports the division of Syria?” he asked, saying “Israel alone, while key nations in the region—such as Iran, Türkiye, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, and Jordan—oppose it.”

He urged these nations to overcome their differences and coordinate to prevent Syria’s fragmentation and maintain its stability, saying: “We must prioritize the unity of Syria over our disputes.”

Mashhadani emphasized Iraq’s efforts to mediate and foster understanding among these countries, saying “Iraq has a unique historical opportunity to reclaim its regional role.”

He explained that Iraq’s strategic position as a crossroads between major nations enables it to facilitate dialogue and cooperation. He also stressed the importance of high-level security coordination, citing shared concerns over threats such as the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and ISIS.

“We all share common fears regarding the spread of extremist groups,” he said, “and Iraq can act as a coordinator to address these concerns.”

Additionally, he called for Iraq to collaborate with Gulf countries to address legitimate fears regarding Syria’s future governance and potential domination by extremist groups.

“We must ask: who will govern Syria, and how do we prevent the rise of radical forces like the Muslim Brotherhood?”

Mashhadani highlighted the unified rejection by Iraq, Jordan, Egypt, and Saudi Arabia of plans to forcibly relocate Palestinians from the West Bank to Sinai, Jordan, or Iraq.

“This displacement scheme is unacceptable to us and to the region,” he affirmed.

On Iraq, Mashhadani confirmed that the parliamentary elections are set to take place in October, in line with agreements among political blocs. He also emphasized the need for national unity, saying: “Iraq needs a leadership umbrella that represents the entire nation, and parliament is best suited to fulfill this role.”

He further stated that his political agenda centers on rebuilding and uniting Iraq’s Sunni community, which has faced significant challenges since 2014.

“My mission is to bring together the different Sunni factions, despite their rivalries and conflicting interests,” he said. “I aim to serve as an umbrella figure—a stabilizing presence to guide them toward cohesion and cooperation.”

Revisiting his 2014 proposal for “national reconciliation,” Mashhadani stressed the importance of transitioning Iraq from a system based on sectarian divisions to one grounded in citizenship, where merit and competence prevail.

“We asked ourselves: what kind of Iraq do we want?” he recalled. “The answer was clear—an Iraq that transitions from a state of components to a state of citizenship.” However, the initiative was sidelined due to political events, including the 2018 protests. “The need for reconciliation is more urgent than ever,” he concluded.

Mashhadani dismissed recurring calls for the creation of a Sunni federal region as “political immaturity.” Reflecting on a similar proposal for a nine-province Shiite federal region in 2006, he reiterated his opposition to dividing Iraq.

He distinguished between federalism and division, saying: “Federalism is a promising concept, but it requires deep understanding and experience. Division, on the other hand, would be disastrous.”

“Iraq’s diversity makes unity our only viable path forward. Citizenship must be the foundation of our state," he added.