Damascus Turns from Drugs Transit Point to Trafficking Hub

People shop ahead of the Eid al-Adha holiday at Souk al-Hamidieh market in Damascus, Syria July 3, 2022. (Reuters)
People shop ahead of the Eid al-Adha holiday at Souk al-Hamidieh market in Damascus, Syria July 3, 2022. (Reuters)
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Damascus Turns from Drugs Transit Point to Trafficking Hub

People shop ahead of the Eid al-Adha holiday at Souk al-Hamidieh market in Damascus, Syria July 3, 2022. (Reuters)
People shop ahead of the Eid al-Adha holiday at Souk al-Hamidieh market in Damascus, Syria July 3, 2022. (Reuters)

As the Syrian regime reclaimed regions that were out of its control in 2018, the drug trade in the war-torn country moved on towards a new phase.

The trade exploded with the eruption of the conflict in 2011. Syria used to be a crossing point for drugs smuggled from Afghanistan and Iran, but now it is both a producer and consumer.

The amount of drugs seized from Syria has risen between six and 21-fold between 2011 and 2020.

International officials and experts have said the problem is so extreme that they have described Syria as a “drugs state” and the “Captagon republic.”

The regime, meanwhile, says it is confronting the phenomenon with “determination and persistence” and that regions under its control are not used to manufacture drugs.

Asharq Al-Awsat toured the streets of the capital, Damascus, and witnessed firsthand individuals who were clearly under the influence of drugs.

Such scenes were rare before 2011.

Residents have repeatedly complained to Asharq Al-Awsat of nearly daily quarrels that erupt between youths, especially late at night, over drugs.

Strolling the streets, youths are often spotted at cigarette vendors, kiosks and cafes where they ask to buy drugs.

Parents have become distressed at the change of behavior in their children, who have neglected their studies, grown closed off and frequently ask for money, signs of their abuse of drugs.

In March, the Syrian Dialogue Center released a report about the drug trade in Syria.

Long before the revolution broke out 2011, Syria was known as a transit point for the drug trade from Afghanistan and Iran, it said.

The smuggling networks were supervised by figures close to the Assad regime. The networks established workshops for manufacturing drugs. Production was limited and aimed at local consumption, stated the report.

With the eruption of the revolution, many drug dealers and smugglers took part in oppressing the protesters and later established an armed militia that was involved in the regime’s military operations.

In 2013, drug dealing activities increased, becoming a source of funding for the militias and regime military operations.

With downturn of the national economy because of war, economic sanctions, and corruption inside the regime, Syria started to export Captagon in 2013, said the report. Aleppo and Homs’ chemical factories were transformed into factories for these pills.

A study by the Center of Operational Analysis and Research (COAR) revealed that the amount of drugs coming from Syria, which were confiscated in 2013-2015, increased four- to six-fold compared to 2011.

After the regime managed to regain most of the areas out of its control in 2018, the drug trade moved to a new level. The size of confiscated drugs coming from Syria in 2018-2020 increased 6-21 times compared to 2011.

The number of local drugs manufacturing centers and workshops increased. The smuggling operations and import of drugs from Lebanon or Iran increased, as demonstrated by the many shipments that were seized. The methods of concealing drugs shipments also became more advanced and sophisticated.

A local study detected 50 current locations that are used for the manufacture of drugs in Syria. It cited 14 centers for manufacturing Captagon, 12 for crystal meth, and 23 for Hashish.

Narcotics, especially Captagon, smuggled out of Syria are usually destined for North Africa, the Arabian Peninsula, and Europe. The available evidence indicates that Europe is now a transit point for narcotics destined for the Middle East and North African markets.

With the collapse of the Syrian economy as a result of the regime’s policies, traditional economic activity gave way to the growing drug trade that has become a profitable sector, the revenues of which fill the pockets of regime associates and its foreign allies, as well as warlords.

In a report in late 2021, The New York Times revealed that the majority of Captagon factories are located in areas held by the regime or the border regions with Lebanon that are controlled by the Lebanese Iran-backed Hezbollah party.

Britain’s The Times also released a report on the Syrian drug trade. Testimonies by security officials in ten countries and experts in the drug trade revealed that a group of businessmen with close ties to the regime, Hezbollah, and other members of the Assad family, who are protected by the regime, are also involved in the illicit trade.

The drug network has benefited from all of Syria’s resources, including human resources. They transformed pharmaceutical laboratories into workshops for manufacturing drugs. Warehouses and ports connected to shipping lanes in the Mediterranean were used along with smuggling routes to Jordan, Lebanon and Iraq - all under the protection of the state, said the Syrian Dialogue Center.

New Captagon production centers were established in small factories, built-in iron hangars, or abandoned villas. The pills are manufactured using simple machines and under the protection of the regime’s soldiers.

Facilities are labelled with signs saying they are closed military sites to cover for the production of the pills.

Two types of Captagon are produced: one of low quality, which sells for a dollar a pill and another of high quality, sold at 14 dollars a pill. The low-quality pills are sold in the local market and the high-quality ones are exported.

The drug trade in Syria, especially Capatagon production, generates 16 billion dollars annually, three times the state’s budget for 2022.

The COAR said authorities in Europe, the Middle East and North Africa have seized a total of at least 173 million Captagon pills, weighing 34.6 tons, and 12.1 tons of hashish, produced in Syria in 2020. The seized narcotics were worth around 3.46 billion dollars.

The drug trade has brought together the regime, Hezbollah and Iran for the sole purpose of finding new sources of funding that helps them evade sanctions, reach new markets for their illicit products and secure foreign currencies.

The regime has, meanwhile, flooded Syria with poor quality drugs, which people have turned to to escape their despair and feeling of helplessness as their country’s economy crumbles.

The regime has claimed that it has cracked down on drug traders, but the raids only target modest smugglers. Figures close to Damascus involved in the trade remain untouched.

Syria commemorated International Day Against Drug Abuse and Illicit Trafficking on June 26. Interior Minister Mohammed al-Rahmoun said Syria “is committed to combating this dangerous phenomenon.”

He revealed that authorities had cracked down on smugglers and seized large quantities of narcotics.

The next day, the semi-official al-Watan newspaper reported that since the beginning of the year, authorities have confirmed 4,991 drug cases in the country, a drop from 9,260 the previous year.

It acknowledged that Syria remains a transit point for the drug trade given its geographic location, but “it in no way manufactures drugs.”



Iran Scrambles to Swiftly Build Ties with Syria’s New Rulers

A handout photo made available by the Iranian presidential office shows Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi (L) during the opening session of the Organization of Eight Developing Countries (D-8) summit in Cairo, Egypt, 19 December 2024. (EPA/Handout)
A handout photo made available by the Iranian presidential office shows Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi (L) during the opening session of the Organization of Eight Developing Countries (D-8) summit in Cairo, Egypt, 19 December 2024. (EPA/Handout)
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Iran Scrambles to Swiftly Build Ties with Syria’s New Rulers

A handout photo made available by the Iranian presidential office shows Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi (L) during the opening session of the Organization of Eight Developing Countries (D-8) summit in Cairo, Egypt, 19 December 2024. (EPA/Handout)
A handout photo made available by the Iranian presidential office shows Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian (R) and Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi (L) during the opening session of the Organization of Eight Developing Countries (D-8) summit in Cairo, Egypt, 19 December 2024. (EPA/Handout)

The Iranian government is scrambling to restore some of its influence in Syria as it still reels from the shock ouster of its close ally President Bashar al-Assad on December 8.

The Iranian president, Masoud Pezeshkian, is already facing multiple domestic and international crises, including an economy in shambles and continued tensions over its nuclear program. But it is the sudden loss of influence in Syria after the fall of Assad to opposition groups that is exercising Iranian officials most, reported The Guardian on Friday.

“In the short term they want to salvage some influence with the opposition in Damascus. Iranian diplomats insist they were not wedded to Assad, and were disillusioned with his refusal to compromise,” it said.

Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi said in an interview this week: “We had long ago reached the conclusion that the continuation of governance in Syria would face a fundamental challenge. Government officials were expected to show flexibility towards allowing the opposition to participate in power, but this did not happen.”

He added: “Tehran always had direct contacts with the Syrian opposition delegation. Since 2011, we have been suggesting to Syria the need to begin political talks with those opposition groups that were not affiliated with terrorism.”

At the same time, Iran’s foreign ministry spokesperson insisted it only entered Syria in 2012 at Assad’s request to help defeat ISIS, continued The Guardian. “Our presence was advisory and we were never in Syria to defend a specific group or individual. What was important to us was helping to preserve the territorial integrity and stability of Syria,” he said.

Such explanations have not cut much ice in Damascus. Iran remains one of the few countries criticized by Ahmed al-Sharaa, the Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) leader.

Short honeymoon

Many Iranian officials are claiming the current victory lap being enjoyed by Türkiye in Syria may be brief as Ankara’s interests will start to diverge from the government led by the HTS.

Senior cleric Naser Makarem Shirazi said: “We must follow the Syrian issue with hope and know that this situation will not continue, because the current rulers of Syria will not remain united with each other”.

The conservative Javan newspaper predicted that “the current honeymoon period in Syria will end due to the diversity of groups, economic problems, the lack of security and diversity of actors.”.

Officially Iran blames the US and Israel for Assad’s collapse, but resentment at Ankara’s role is rife, ironically echoing Donald Trump’s claim that Syria has been the victim of an unfriendly takeover by Türkiye.

In his speech responding to Assad’s downfall supreme leader Ali Khamenei said a neighboring state of Syria played a clear role” in shaping events and “continues to do so now”. The Fars news agency published a poster showing the HTS leader in league with Recep Tayyip Erdogan, Benjamin Netanyahu and Joe Biden.

Iran’s Strategic Council on Foreign Relations questioned whether HTS would remain allies with Türkiye for long. It said: “Although Türkiye is only one of the main winners of Bashar al-Assad’s fall from power in the short term, Ankara can never bring a government aligned with itself to power in Syria. Even if HTS attempts to form a stable government in Syria, which is impossible, in the medium term, it will become a major threat to Türkiye, which shares an 830-kilometer border with Syria.”

Reliance on Türkiye

Former Iranian President Hassan Rouhani predicted a bleak future for Syria and Türkiye. “In recent weeks, all of Syria’s military power has been destroyed by Israel, and unfortunately, the militants and Türkiye did not respond appropriately to Israel. It will take years to rebuild the Syrian army and armed forces.”

Mohsen Baharvand, a former Iranian ambassador to the UK, suggested the Damascus government may find itself overly reliant on Türkiye. “If the central government of Syria tries to consolidate its authority and sovereignty through military intervention and assistance from foreign countries – including Türkiye – Syria, or key parts of it, will be occupied by Türkiye, and Türkiye will enter a quagmire from which it will incur heavy human and economic costs.”

He predicted tensions between Türkiye and the HTS in particular about how to handle the Syrian Kurdish demand in north-east Syria for a form of autonomy. The Turkish-funded Syrian National Army is reportedly ready to mount an offensive against the Kurdish Syrian Democratic Forces in Kobani, a Kurdish-majority Syrian town on the northern border with Türkiye.

Türkiye’s Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan said on Wednesday that if the issue were addressed “properly” Ankara would not seek a military intervention. “There is a new administration in Damascus now. I think this is primarily their concern now,” Fidan said.

More broadly, the Syrian reverse is forcing Iran to accelerate a rethink of its foreign policy. The review centers on whether the weakening of its so-called Axis of Resistance – comprising allied groups in the region – requires Iran to become a nuclear weapon state, or instead strengthen Iran by building better relations in the region.

For years, Iran’s rulers have been saying that “defending Iran must begin from outside its borders.” This hugely costly strategy is largely obsolete, and how Iran explains its Syria reverse will be critical to deciding what replaces that strategy.