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Princess Jawaher Al Saud to Asharq Al-Awsat: Small Saudi Emirate Shook Pillars of Ottoman Empire

Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
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Princess Jawaher Al Saud to Asharq Al-Awsat: Small Saudi Emirate Shook Pillars of Ottoman Empire

Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.
Photo of an Ottoman documents uncovered by Dr. Jawaher Al Saud exclusively for Asharq Al-Awsat.

A Saudi researcher specialized in the Kingdom’s history referred to documents dating back to the Ottoman era, as well as British records, and contemporary local writings, to confirm that the First Saudi State, which was established by Imam Mohammad bin Saud, was a source of concern for the great powers in the region.

Saudi Arabia’s Founding Day, which falls on Feb. 22, celebrates Saudi heritage and history. On this occasion, Dr. Princess Jawaher bint Abdul Mohsen bin Abdullah bin Jalawi Al Saud unveiled, in an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat that the power of the Saudi state allowed it to spread the highest levels of terror and panic among the Turkish pashas all over Asia, reaching the Sultan in Constantinople.

The researcher also said the British government did not ignore the strong Saudi presence, especially after it reached its areas of influence. Therefore, the British were cautious in their movements and used diplomacy in their dealings with Imam Saud bin Abdulaziz.

According to foreign documents revealed by the princess, the founder of the First Saudi State and the first Saudi king, acknowledged the importance of imposing a system that would rely on the management of a ruler, who would be capable of taking firm decisions that would provide security and stability for the region.

The documents of the Ottoman archives confirmed the Ottomans’ efforts to wage war against the Saudi state, which started to constitute a threat to the continued existence of an empire. The reaction of the sultans of the Osman family was not limited to the successive military campaigns, which reflected their political, military and material weight, but included a propaganda war to distort the idea and goal of that young state that emerged from central Najd.

Thus, many accusations and rumors were spread against the Saudi emir and his people, calling them Kharijites and Wahhabis. This was confirmed by British documents that indicated that they “were called Wahhabis by the Ottomans, while if one of the followers of the Saudi imam was asked: Are you a Wahhabi? He will not understand what this word means.”

The Saudi researcher said that orientalists, writers, and historians, whether Arabs or Westerners, were right when they took the term “Wahhabis" from the Ottomans to refer to the Saudis. But they failed to exert enough effort in research and investigation.

Contemporary local documents of that era revealed the true name of this young country, whose goals preoccupied the great powers in the region.

Historian Hamad bin Laboun, who died after 1257 AH - 1842 AD, called it in his book (Nasab Al Saud): “The Hanafi Saudi State.” That is, he attributed the state to the Saudi family of Bani Hanifa.

Some contemporary local narratives of the first Saudi era also mentioned the name “the Saudi sect,” or the name “Saudis,” and many others. Thus, it would be wrong to associate the name of the Saudis or the Saudis with the year 1351 AH - 1932 AD, as we have been Saudis for 300 years, Princess Jawaher told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Arab force to expel the Ottoman invader

Referring to the Ottoman documents, the Saudi researcher said the Sultan of the Osman family was unaware that he was dealing with a free Arab force that aims to unite the Arabs of the peninsula, expel foreign colonialism, and establish a unified entity that aspires for security, stability, and progress.

Ottoman documents revealed that Imam Abdul Aziz bin Mohammad’s assumption of power in the year 1179 AH - 1765 AD was a radical turning point in the foreign policy of the First Saudi State. His armies were moving in all directions at the same time, heading west towards the Two Holy Mosques, and east towards the Arabian Gulf and the Ottoman states in Iraq, north towards the Levant, and south towards Yemen and Oman.

Frequent letters from the Ottoman Arab provinces to the Ottoman sultan talked about the danger coming from the center of Najd. Tribes, cities and villages vowed allegiance to the Saudi imam, which made the Ottoman state lose much of the support it enjoyed in that region.

According to Princess Jawaher, the Ottoman documents confirmed that the Saudi imam extended his authority from Baghdad to Muscat, and from Yemen to the Levant and Aleppo. Thus, the Ottoman Empire faced a real challenge that shook its Islamic and international standing.

Ottoman failure against the Saudis

The Saudi researcher told Asharq Al-Awsat that the Ottoman sultan realized the failure of the governors of Baghdad in confronting the striking force of the Saudi imam. Nonetheless, he continued to insist on the need to eliminate Diriyah at any cost and by any means. But the responses of his governors brought him disappointment.

As for the governors of the Levant, they were not better off than those of Baghdad. They confronted the Sultan, saying that they could not face the Saudi imam. This prompted him to expel a number of governors, who failed to fulfil his wish to eliminate the Saudi power, including Youssef Pasha, Ahmed Jazzar Pasha, Salih Bey, Abdullah Pasha Al-Azem, and Kunj Youssef Pasha.

Princess Jawaher pointed to a letter written by the Ottoman sultan himself, commenting on one of the messages that he had received from Sharif Ghalib, the Sharif of Makkah, in the year 1218 AH - 1803 AD. The letter highlighted the extent of the terror that gripped the sultan.

The following is an unofficial translation of the sultan’s words: “God forbid, I could not bear to read these papers coming to me. How can such a thing happen? A way must be found to save the Two Sanctuaries. I do not sleep at night thinking about this matter, and this matter is not like other things. Help me, O God.”

The Saudi researcher recounted that the sultan became aware of the reversal of the balance of power, and that the Saudi imam would not stop until he successively rid the Arab countries of Ottoman rule and bring them under his authority with the aim of forming a free Arab empire.

A British document confirmed the power of the Saudi state and the terror it struck in the hearts of the Ottomans and Turkish pashas.

It read: “…government of this singular people, who, from very slight and feeble origin, had at one time, arrived at such degree of power, as to cause the most serious alarm both to the Turkish pashas throughout all Asia, as well as their master the sultan at Constantinople…”

Saudi presence reaches areas of British influence

Princess Jawaher said the British government did not overlook the Saudi presence, especially after it expanded to its areas of influence. At first, it provided military support to its allies, but then realized the extent of Saudi superiority.

Consequently, the historian recounted that the British government refused to engage in a direct military confrontation with the Saudis, and recommended its allies to accept Saudi influence as long as it remained within the limits of preserving security and saving the British image.

Encyclopedia of Saudi history

Asharq Al-Awsat asked Princess Jawaher about her most important achievements in her long journey of historical research and studies.

She replied: “Specialists in the field of research and historical studies are aware of the importance of documents, including official correspondence, reports, notes, decisions, strategies, political plans and intelligence information, which are the most important source of history.”

“In order to present a serious study, it is necessary to rely on documents, and therefore the issue is not a matter of collecting, but rather a matter of searching for information, which is a tedious process that requires patience and perseverance, because the researcher faces a huge amount of documents kept in records that take a long time to view, retrieve and translate,” she remarked.

She told Asharq Al-Awsat that she was working on a documentary study of eight volumes that will reveal unprecedented, interesting and surprising information on Saudi Arabia’s history, based on thousands of Arabic, Ottoman, British and French documents.

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Features

Report: Europe’s Options in the Strait of Hormuz Are Few and Risky

A cargo ship in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. (Reuters file)
A cargo ship in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. (Reuters file)
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Report: Europe’s Options in the Strait of Hormuz Are Few and Risky

A cargo ship in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. (Reuters file)
A cargo ship in the Gulf, near the Strait of Hormuz, as seen from northern Ras al-Khaimah, near the border with Oman’s Musandam, amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in United Arab Emirates, March 11, 2026. (Reuters file)

When senior officials from 40 countries met virtually this week to discuss how to bring shipping traffic back to the Strait of Hormuz, Italy’s foreign minister had a proposal. He urged them to establish a “humanitarian corridor” allowing safe passage for fertilizer and other crucial goods headed to impoverished nations.

The plan, described after the meeting by Italian officials, was one of several competing proposals from Europe and beyond that were meant to prevent the Iran war from causing widespread hunger. But it was not endorsed by the envoys on the call, and the meeting ended with no concrete plan to reopen the strait, militarily or otherwise, reported the New York Times.

European leaders are under pressure from US President Donald Trump to commit military assets, immediately, to end Iran’s blockage of the strait and tame a growing global energy and economic crisis. They have refused to meet his demands by sending warships now. Instead, they are hotly debating what to do to help unclog the vital shipping lane once the war ends.

But they are struggling to rally around a plan of action.

That partly reflects the slow gears of diplomacy in Europe and the sheer number of nations, including Gulf states, that are invested in safeguarding the strait once the war ends. Many nations involved in the talks, including Italy and Germany, have insisted that any international effort be blessed by the United Nations, which could slow action further. Military leaders will take up the issue in discussions next week.

More than anything, the struggle reflects how difficult it could be to actually secure the strait under a fragile peace — for Europe or for anyone else. None of the options available to Europe, the Gulf states and other countries look foolproof, even under the assumption that the major fighting will have stopped.

Naval escorts

French officials, including President Emmanuel Macron, have repeatedly raised the possibility that French naval vessels could help escort merchant ships through the strait after the war ends.

American officials have pushed for Europeans and other allies, like Japan, to escort ships sailing under their own countries’ flags.

Naval escorts are expensive. Also, their air defense systems alone might not be sufficient to stop some types of attacks, like drone strikes, should Iran choose to start firing again.

“What does the world expect, what does Donald Trump expect, from let’s say a handful or two handfuls of European frigates there in the Strait of Hormuz,” Defense Minister Boris Pistorius of Germany said last month, “to achieve what the powerful American Navy cannot manage there alone?”

Sweep for mines

German and Belgian officials, among others, say they are prepared to send minesweepers to clear the strait of explosives after the war.

Western military leaders aren’t convinced that Iran has actually mined the strait, in part because some Iranian ships still pass through it. So while minesweepers might be deployed as part of a naval escort, they might not have much to do.

Help from above

Another option is sending fighter jets and drones to intercept any Iranian air assaults on ships. American officials have pushed Europe to do this.

It is quite expensive and still not guaranteed to work. Iran can attack ships with a single soldier in a speedboat, and if just a few attempts succeed, that could be enough to spook insurers and shipowners out of attempting passage.

Diplomacy

Another option are negotiations and economic leverage to pressure Iran to refrain from future attacks, and deploy a variety of military means to enforce that. This effort would go beyond Europe. On Thursday, the German foreign ministry called on China to use its influence with Iran “constructively” to help end the hostilities.

This option is expensive and still not guaranteed. Negotiations seem to have done little to stop the fighting. But this may be Europe’s best bet, for lack of a better one.

What if none of that works?

Iranian officials said this week that they would continue to control traffic through the strait after the war. They have already made plans to make ships pay tolls for passing through the strait, which is supposed to be an unfettered waterway under international law.

A continued blockage risks global economic disaster. Countries around the world rely on shipments through the strait for fuel and fertilizer, among other necessities.

In some regions, shortages loom. In others, like Europe, high oil, gas and fertilizer prices have raised the specter of spiking inflation and cratering economic growth.

“The big threat right now is stagflation,” said Hanns Koenig, a managing director at Aurora Energy Research, a Berlin consultancy. “You’ve got higher prices, and they strangle the tiny growth we would have seen this year.”

*Jim Tankersley for the New York Times

Features

US Military Jets Hit in Iran War Are the First Shot Down by Enemy Fire in Over 20 Years

An F-15E Strike Eagle turns toward the Panamint range over Death Valley National Park, Calif., on Feb. 27, 2017. (AP)
An F-15E Strike Eagle turns toward the Panamint range over Death Valley National Park, Calif., on Feb. 27, 2017. (AP)
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US Military Jets Hit in Iran War Are the First Shot Down by Enemy Fire in Over 20 Years

An F-15E Strike Eagle turns toward the Panamint range over Death Valley National Park, Calif., on Feb. 27, 2017. (AP)
An F-15E Strike Eagle turns toward the Panamint range over Death Valley National Park, Calif., on Feb. 27, 2017. (AP)

Iran shooting down two American military jets marks an exceedingly rare assault for the US that has not happened in more than 20 years and shows Iran’s continued ability to hit back despite President Donald Trump asserting it has been “completely decimated.”

The attacks came five weeks after US and Israeli strikes first pounded Iran, with Trump saying earlier this week that Tehran's “ability to launch missiles and drones is dramatically curtailed."

Iran shot down a US F15-E Strike Eagle fighter jet Friday, with one service member getting rescued and the search still underway for a second, US officials say. Iranian state media also said a US A-10 attack aircraft crashed after being hit by Iranian defense forces.

The last time a US warplane was shot down by enemy fire in combat was an A-10 Thunderbolt II during the 2003 US invasion of Iraq, said retired Air Force Brig. Gen. Houston Cantwell, a former F-16 fighter pilot.

But, he said, that’s because the US had largely been fighting insurgents who didn’t have the same anti-aircraft capabilities. The fact that there have not been more fighter jets lost in Iran, Cantwell said, is a testament to the capabilities of US forces.

"The fact that this hasn’t happened until now is an absolute miracle,” said Cantwell, who served four combat tours and is now a senior resident fellow at the Mitchell Institute for Aerospace Studies. “We’re flying combat missions here, they are being shot at every day.”

Shoulder-fired missile likely used, experts say

US Central Command said in a statement Wednesday that American forces have flown more than 13,000 missions in the Iran war while striking more than 12,300 targets.

After more than a month of punishing US-Israeli airstrikes, a degraded Iranian military nonetheless remains a stubborn foe. Its steady stream of strikes against Israel and Gulf Arab neighbors have been causing regional upheaval and global economic shock.

When it comes to American dominance over Iran's airspace, there’s still a distinction between air superiority and air supremacy, said Behnam Ben Taleblu, Iran program senior director at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, a hawkish Washington think tank.

“A disabled air defense system is not a destroyed air defense system,” he said. “We shouldn’t be shocked that they’re still fighting.”

American planes have been flying missions at lower altitudes, which makes them more vulnerable to Iran's missiles, Taleblu said. It’s possible that Iran fired at the F-15 with a surface-to-air missile, but it's more likely that a portable, shoulder-fired missile was used, he said. Those are much harder to detect and reflect how Iran is “weak but still lethal.”

“This is a regime that is fighting for its life,” he said.

Mark Cancian, a retired Marine colonel and a senior defense adviser with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, agreed that a shoulder-fired missile was likely used against the fighter jet.

Nonetheless, the American air war against Iran has been a “tremendous success” so far, he said.

To put things in perspective, he said the loss rate for American warplanes flying over Germany during World War II was 3% at one point, which would equal about 350 warplanes in the US war against Iran.

“But then there’s the political side — you have an American public that is accustomed to fighting bloodless wars,” Cancian said. “Then a large part of the country doesn’t support the war. So to them, any loss is unacceptable.”

Pilots are trained on what to do if their plane is hit

The last US jet shot down in combat was struck by an Iraqi surface-to-air missile over Baghdad on April 8, 2003. The pilot safely ejected and was rescued, according to the Air Force.

In high-threat environments like missions over Iran, Cantwell, the retired general, said an aviator's blood pressure goes up and they become highly alert to incoming missiles. Those are typically either infrared- or radar-guided missiles, he said, requiring different evasive tactics.

If they are hit and need to eject from their aircraft, they are trained on what to do next, he said.

Pilots learn to check for wounds after a violent ejection and the shock of a missile explosion and, most crucially, how they are going to communicate their location so rescuers can find them.

At the same time, he said, the enemy is likely working to intercept the communications or even spoof the location.

Helicopters are more at risk than other aircraft

The planes that went down Friday were not the first crewed American aircraft to be lost overall in Iran.

A military helicopter and airplane exploded in 1980 during an aborted mission to rescue several dozen American hostages at the US embassy in Tehran, according to the Air Force Historical Support Division.

After a series of setbacks, including severe dust storms and mechanical failures, the mission was called off. As the aircraft took off, the rotor blades of one of the RH-53 helicopters collided with an EC-130 aircraft full of fuel and both exploded, killing eight.

More US helicopters have been shot down in recent decades, including a MH-47 Army Chinook helicopter that was struck by a rocket-propelled grenade in Afghanistan in 2005, killing 16. Helicopters are more dangerous because “the lower and the slower, the more susceptible you are,” Cantwell said.

That’s why those who went out on this week's rescue missions, likely in helicopters, he said, did “such a brave and honorable act.”

Features

Iran Leaders Join Crowds on Tehran’s Streets to Project Control in Wartime

An Iranian flag is seen on a residential building that was damaged by recent strikes at Vahdat town in Karaj, southwest of Tehran on April 3, 2026. (AFP)
An Iranian flag is seen on a residential building that was damaged by recent strikes at Vahdat town in Karaj, southwest of Tehran on April 3, 2026. (AFP)
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Iran Leaders Join Crowds on Tehran’s Streets to Project Control in Wartime

An Iranian flag is seen on a residential building that was damaged by recent strikes at Vahdat town in Karaj, southwest of Tehran on April 3, 2026. (AFP)
An Iranian flag is seen on a residential building that was damaged by recent strikes at Vahdat town in Karaj, southwest of Tehran on April 3, 2026. (AFP)

After more than a month of being stalked by targeted assassinations, Iran's leadership has adopted a new tactic to show it is still in control - with senior officials walking openly in the streets among small crowds who have gathered in support of the regime.

In recent days, Iran's president and foreign minister have separately mixed with groups of several hundred people in central Tehran. On Tuesday, state television aired footage of the two posing for selfies, talking to members of the public and shaking hands with supporters who had gathered in public areas.

According to insiders and analysts, the appearances are part of a calculated effort by Iran's theocratic leadership to project resilience and authority — not only over the vital Strait of Hormuz but also over the population — despite a sustained US-Israeli campaign aimed at "obliterating" it.

One insider close to the hardline establishment said such public outings are intended to show that the regime is "unshaken by strikes and that it remains in control and vigilant" as the war grinds on.

The US-Israeli war ‌on Iran began on ‌February 28 with the killing of veteran Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and several senior military ‌commanders ⁠in waves of ⁠strikes that have since continued to target top officials.

Iran's new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, has not been seen in public since taking over on March 8 from his father. Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi, meanwhile, was removed from Israel's hit list amid mediation efforts last month, including by Pakistan, to bring Tehran and Washington together for talks to end the war.

Talks aimed at ending the war have since appeared to have petered out, as Tehran brands US peace proposals "unrealistic". Against that backdrop, recent public appearances by President Masoud Pezeshkian and Araqchi appear designed to project defiance, if not a convincing display of public support.

A senior Iranian source said officials' public presence demonstrates that "the establishment is not intimidated by Israel's targeted killing of top Iranian ⁠figures".

Asked whether Iran's foreign minister or president were on any sort of kill list, an Israeli ‌military spokesperson, Nadav Shoshani, said on Friday he would not "speak about specific personnel."

NIGHTLY RALLIES TO ‌SHOW RESILIENCE

Despite widespread destruction, Tehran appears emboldened by surviving weeks of intense US-Israeli attacks, firing on Gulf countries hosting US troops and demonstrating its ability ‌to effectively block the Strait of Hormuz.

On Wednesday, US President Donald Trump vowed more aggressive strikes on Iran, without offering a timeline ‌for ending hostilities. Tehran responded by warning the United States and Israel that "more crushing, broader and more destructive" attacks were in store.

Encouraged by clerical rulers, supporters of the regime take to the streets each night, filling public squares to show loyalty even as bombs rain down across the country.

Analysts say the establishment is also seeking to raise the "political and reputational" cost of the strikes at a time when civilian casualties are deeply disturbing for Iranians.

Omid Memarian, ‌a senior Iran analyst at DAWN, a Washington-based think tank, said the decision to send officials into gatherings reflects a layered strategy, including an effort to sustain the morale of core supporters ⁠at a moment of acute pressure.

"The system ⁠relies heavily on this base; if its supporters withdraw from public space, its ability to project control and authority weakens significantly," Memarian said.

Speaking to state television, some in the crowds voice unwavering loyalty to Iran's leadership; others oppose the bombing of their country regardless of politics; and some have a stake in the system, including government employees, students and others whose livelihoods are tied to it.

Hadi Ghaemi, head of the New York-based Center for Human Rights in Iran, said the establishment is using such loyal crowds as human shields to raise the cost of any assassination attempts.

"By being in the middle of large crowds they have protections that would make Israeli-American attacks against them very bloody and generate sympathy worldwide," he said.

POTENTIAL PROTESTERS STAY OFF STREETS AT NIGHT

The Islamic republic emerged from a 1979 revolution backed by millions of Iranians. But decades of rule marked by corruption, repression and mismanagement have thinned that support, alienating many ordinary people.

While there has been little sign so far of anti-government protests that erupted in January and abated after a deadly crackdown, the establishment has adopted harsh measures, such as arrests, executions and large-scale deployment of security forces, to prevent any sparks of dissent.

Rights groups have warned about "rushed executions" during wartime after Iran hanged at least seven political prisoners during the war.

"Many potential protesters are frightened by the continuing presence of armed men and violent crowds in the streets and largely stay at home once darkness falls," Ghaemi said.