Evacuees, Refugees from Sudan Catch Their Breath in Egypt’s Abu Simbel

Vehicles transporting evacuees and refugees are seen at Abu Simbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Vehicles transporting evacuees and refugees are seen at Abu Simbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Evacuees, Refugees from Sudan Catch Their Breath in Egypt’s Abu Simbel

Vehicles transporting evacuees and refugees are seen at Abu Simbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Vehicles transporting evacuees and refugees are seen at Abu Simbel. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Egypt’s Abu Simbel city has become a temporary resting place for refugees and evacuees from Sudan that has been gripped by fighting between its army and Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

Abu Simbel is one of the rest stops for droves of buses and vans of evacuees making their journey from Sudanese areas to Egypt. Once they enter Egypt, they will make yet another journey to Cairo where they can be flown home.

Islam, 4, is one of ten children on a bus from Khartoum. The children are unaware of the circumstances that forced their families to hastily leave Khartoum and to spend a couple of days at the Egyptian and Sudanese borders before being allowed to continue their journey to safety.

A bus driver, Mohammed, has been working the Khartoum-Aswan route since 2019. He spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat about how the evacuees and refugees are being exploited to make the crossing to Egypt.

The prices of all goods have doubled, forcing some Sudanese families to bring their own food and water from Khartoum, he revealed, while also noting he “modest” services on the Sudanese side of the border.

On his latest journey, he said that he drove the bus some 900 kilometers inside northern Sudan towards the Argeen crossing. However, the heavy flow of refugees forced him to change routes and head to Wadi Halfa and then Egypt’s Qastal port.

“We were forced to remain at the crossing for two days due to the massive number of refugees,” he remarked.

Mustafa Othman is a Sudanese university student living in Saudi Arabia. Exhausted, he said he hadn't slept for an entire week.

“This whole week has felt like a year,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He was accompanying his father on a visit to Khartoum when the conflict erupted. The fighting forced the suspension of flights out of Khartoum, and he sought an alternative option with his father that would take him to Saudi Arabia from Egypt.

Before the conflict, Abu Simbel was a quiet tourist destination of some 10,000 residents. Now, it has become a transit point for refugees and evacuees.

Asharq Al-Awsat caught up with an Indian family that was resting in Abu Simbel before heading to Aswan city. They have booked a flight from Cairo to Mumbai.

The head of the family worked as an English teacher in Khartoum. “We sought the fastest way back home and found Egypt to be the best route in spite of the influx at the borders,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Taxi and private car drivers have exploited the influx by raising their fares. Before the crisis, a fare would have cost some 2,000 Egyptian pounds (1USD is equivalent to 31 Egyptian pounds). Now, a journey across the Argeen or Qastal crossings costs 5,000 pounds.

Abu Simbel International Hospital has also received patients suffering from chronic diseases. Among them is Zeinab, 65, who had suffered a stroke during the holy fasting month of Ramadan.

Her daughter told Asharq Al-Awsat that they fled Khartoum two days ago and were transported by private ambulance to Wadi Halfa. An Egyptian ambulance took them to Egypt through the Qastal crossing.

The daughter said that once her mother receives a health check, the pair will head to Cairo to reunite with her brother who has been living in the capital for five years.

Hospital Director Mohammed Abu Wafa told Asharq Al-Awsat that facility was prepared to receive more patients among the refugees.

It has so far treated people who have suffered from exhaustion and complications from chronic diseases, especially among the elderly. They will head to Aswan as soon as they receive the necessary health care.



Yemeni Platform Warns of Houthis Expanding Influence to Horn of Africa

Yemenis lift placards and flags during a rally in the Houthi-controlled capital Sanaa in solidarity with Palestinians on July 26, 2024, amid the ongoing conflict in the Gaza Strip between Israel and the Palestinian Hamas movement. (AFP)
Yemenis lift placards and flags during a rally in the Houthi-controlled capital Sanaa in solidarity with Palestinians on July 26, 2024, amid the ongoing conflict in the Gaza Strip between Israel and the Palestinian Hamas movement. (AFP)
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Yemeni Platform Warns of Houthis Expanding Influence to Horn of Africa

Yemenis lift placards and flags during a rally in the Houthi-controlled capital Sanaa in solidarity with Palestinians on July 26, 2024, amid the ongoing conflict in the Gaza Strip between Israel and the Palestinian Hamas movement. (AFP)
Yemenis lift placards and flags during a rally in the Houthi-controlled capital Sanaa in solidarity with Palestinians on July 26, 2024, amid the ongoing conflict in the Gaza Strip between Israel and the Palestinian Hamas movement. (AFP)

A Yemeni platform focused on organized crime and money-laundering, PTOC, has warned of the dangers of the Iran-backed Houthi militias expanding their activities and influence to the Horn of Africa.

In a report, it said the militias were actively seeking to expand their operations there with the direct supervision of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) and in coordination with the Lebanese Hezbollah militia, which is also backed by Tehran.

This is the first time that a report is filed about the Houthi plans in the Horn of Africa.

Asharq Al-Awsat received a copy of the report that details the Houthis’ expansionist plans at Iran’s direction. It discusses the Houthis’ smuggling and armament operations, recruitment and training of Africans, and identifies the officials responsible for the militias’ project in the Horn of Africa.

Overseeing the foreign expansion are leading Houthi officials Abdulwahed Abu Ras, Al-Hassan al-Marrani and Abu Haidar al-Qahoum, as well as head of the so-called security and intelligence agency Abdulhakim al-Khiwani and foreign operations agency official Hassan al-Kahlani, or Abu Shaheed.

The report also highlighted the role played by deputy Houthi foreign minister Hussein al-Azzi through diplomatic sources and figures in Ethiopia, Eritrea, Djibouti, Sudan and Kenya to forge intelligence, security, political and logistical ties.

Training

The report said the Houthis were keen on establishing “sensitive intelligence centers” throughout the Horn of Africa and countries surrounding Yemen. They are working on training cadres “as soon as possible” so that they can be “effectively activated at the right time to achieve the Quranic mission and common interests of all resistance countries, especially Iran, Gaza and Lebanon.”

The report obtained documents that reveal how the Houthis have established ties with African figures to “complete preparations and operations in the Red Sea and Horn of Africa to support the Houthis should they come under any international political or diplomatic pressure.”

Leading officials

The report identified several Houthi figures who are overseeing these operations, starting with IRGC official “Abu Mahdi” to the owner of the smallest boat that is used for smuggling weapons in the Red Sea.

It also spoke of the relations forged with the al-Shabaab al-Qaeda affiliate in Somalia and the African mafia to smuggle Africans to Yemen in what the report described as one of the most dangerous human trafficking and organized crimes.

The PTOC report said the Houthis have recruited Africans from various countries, especially in wake of the militias’ coup in Sanaa in 2014. They have been subjected to cultural and military training and deployed at various fronts, such as Taiz, the west coast, Marib and the border.

Some of the recruits have returned to their home countries to expand the Houthi influence there.

Abu Ras and al-Kahlani

The report named Abdulwahed Naji Mohammed Abu Ras, or Abu Hussein, as the Houthis’ top official in expanding their influence in the Horn of Africa. A native of the Jawf province, he was tasked directly by top Iranian political officials and the IRGC in running this file.

Among his major tasks is coordinating with the IRGC and Houthis and directly overseeing the smuggling of IRGC and Hezbollah members from and to Yemen.

Abu Ras has avoided the spotlight for several years during which he has handled the Houthis’ most dangerous intelligence and political files.

He served as secretary of foreign affairs at the security and intelligence agency until Hassan al-Kahlani's appointment to that post. Abu Ras was then promoted to his current position at the recommendation of Houthi leader Abdulmalek al-Houthi and the IRGC leadership.

Al-Kahlani, also known as Abu Shaheed, was born in the Hajjah province in 1984. He is a known Houthi security operative as he grew up among the Houthis in Saada and Sanaa and joined the militias at a young age.

The report said al-Kahlani was part of the Sanaa terrorist cell that carried out several bombings and assassinations in wake of the killing of Houthi founder Hassan al-Houthi in 2004. He was also among the Houthi leaderships that took part in the coup in Sanaa.

Al-Kahlani now works directly under Abu Ras. He is known for his close ties to the IRGC and has been using this relationship to impose himself as the top official in the security and intelligence agency, exposing the struggle for power between him and the actual head of the agency Abdulhakim al-Khiwani.