SDF Commander to Asharq Al-Awsat: Syria Must Remain United

Mazloum Abdi says Türkiye is not responding to mediation and Kobane is threatened with disaster.

Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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SDF Commander to Asharq Al-Awsat: Syria Must Remain United

Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi revealed that coordination had been taking place on the ground since the second day of the Deterrence of Aggression operation, waged by the Military Operations Command led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group, against the Syrian regime.

He added however that direct negotiations have not been launched with the HTS, led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, which had ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad on December 8.

In an interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, Abdi stressed that the SDF was prepared to merge with new Syrian army, but only after reaching a negotiated agreement on the “suitable framework”.

Moreover, he underlined the need for “Syria to remain a united country.” The shape of its new political system should be decided by the people and constitutional discussions.

*Were you aware of the operations of the Syrian factions before December 27? Did you ever predict that Assad’s regime would fall in ten days?

We had signals that the armed factions were launching a military operation against the former regime. This was expected, but what was not expected was the rapid collapse of the army without putting up a fight. We were also surprised that their allies, who had stood by it throughout the Syrian revolution, were so quick to abandon it. I believe we will find out more in the future about what happened behind the scenes of the operation.

*Was there any coordination or communication with the HTS during those ten days of fighting?

No coordination was taking place with the HTS before the operation. We did get in contact on the second day to avert a clash between our forces in some Aleppo neighborhoods and to evacuate refugees from the Tal Rifaat camps that had been attacked by Türkiye-backed factions. This field coordination is still ongoing.

Syrian Kurds wave independence-era flags during a rally in support of the SDF in the northeastern city of Qamishli, on December 19, 2024. (AFP)

*What will Syria look like after Assad’s collapse? Will you take part in negotiations with the HTS over the shape of the state and its political system?

We have not yet launched direct negotiations with the HTS, but we believe that Syria should be a decentralized democratic state where the country’s diversity will be safeguarded by the constitution and the rights of all segments of society, including the Kurds, will be ensured.

We are not seeking Syria’s division and we are prepared to play our role in building and in partnering with the government that will rule the country. Syria has witnessed a lot of bloodshed. We are urgently calling for comprehensive direct dialogue to pave the way for the era of peace so that Syria can forge ahead and rebuild itself.

*Do the Kurds wants a federal or confederate Syria?

Above all else, it is imperative that Syria remain united. We believe that a lot of discussions will be held over the shape of the ruling system. This will be up to the people to decide and up to the constitutional discussions.

*What are the SDF’s conditions should negotiations be held over the regions controlled by the autonomous administration?

We don’t want to call them conditions, but there are some issues that are imposed by the reality on the ground and that should be taken into consideration. The priority lies in ending the military operations throughout Syria, especially the attacks carried out by Türkiye and its affiliated factions against the SDF. This will allow us, as Syrians, to discuss the future of our country without foreign interference of dictates. The regions controlled by the autonomous administration are Syrian and their representatives should have their voices heard and they should be part of discussions on building the future.

About the country’s resources, they belong to all the Syrian people. We are committed to a future where the resources are fairly and equally distributed by the state to all Syrians so that everyone can enjoy stability and prosperity. Attention must be given to regions that had been marginalized by the Assad regime.

*Leader of the new administration in Damascus Ahmed al-Sharaa had called on all Syrian armed factions to lay down their arms. Some have already done so; what is the SDF’s position on this?

The Syria of the future must have a unified national army that defends the country and its citizens. This is not up for debate. The SDF’s weapons will go to the army and the SDF will merge with the army. However, for this to happen, we need to have direct negotiations to reach a framework over how this can be implemented.

*There are growing Kurdish concerns over the city of Ain al-Arab, or Kobane. What are the SDF’s plans should it be attacked?

The threat by the Türkiye-backed factions against Kobane remains very serious. We are working with our partners in the US-led international coalition to ease the tensions there. That is why we proposed that the region be removed of all weapons. This will ease the concerns that Türkiye has spoken about. Türkiye, however, has not yet responded to this proposal and it continues to amass its forces. The truth is the attack on Kobane will be a disaster and will pose a major threat to the stability of the region. We hope it won’t happen.

*Are there direct or indirect contacts or negotiations with Ankara over the Syrian regions bordering Türkiye?

Indirect contacts are taking place with Türkiye through our partners in the international coalition. However, we want to hold direct negotiations to ease Türkiye’s fears, but Ankara has so far not expressed its readiness for such talks even though we are.

*Regional and international powers have constantly demanded that you sever ties with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). What do you say to these demands?

We have previously said that the SDF does not have organizational ties to the PKK. Some of its members have joined us in battles against ISIS. We fought side by side, but they will be removed once the military operations end and once the mechanism to do so is in place. The decision making in northern and eastern Syria has long been in the hands of the people and it will remain so. There are no justifications for these fears.

Syrian Kurds wave independence-era flags during a demonstration in support of the Syrian Democratic Forces in the northeastern city of Qamishli, on December 19, 2024. (AFP)

*Will the SDF allow the Syrian members of the Peshmerga in Iraqi Kurdistan return to Syria?

We are talking about building a national Syrian army, the laying down of arms and merging the factions with the army. If members of the Peshmerga return home from abroad, then they will naturally play a role in building their nation.

*What is your assessment of the threat posed by ISIS in Syria?

Combating ISIS is a priority for the Syrian people and region. The SDF is ready to work with the new Damascus government in operations against the organization and in combating terrorism.

We are committed to ensuring the security of our neighbors. Syria will not pose a threat to their safety and stability. We are prepared to work with the central government to put in place measures that guarantee that no non-Syrian actors will threaten Syria and its neighbors’ security. We are also ready, in principle, to hand over the responsibility of monitoring the border to the Damascus authorities according to an agreed framework.

*Are you planning on visiting Damascus?

Of course. Damascus is our capital, and we will visit it when the conditions are right.



UN Chief Warns Cash Crunch Threatens Palestinian Refugee Agency

Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)
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UN Chief Warns Cash Crunch Threatens Palestinian Refugee Agency

Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)
Displaced Palestinians gather to receive hot meals distributed by a charity kitchen in the Khan Younis refugee camp in the southern Gaza Strip on June 29, 2026. (AFP)

UN chief Antonio Guterres warned Tuesday of the "increasingly precarious" situation of the UN agency for Palestinian refugees known as UNRWA, saying that millions of people's livelihoods were at risk.

The secretary-general said that further funding cuts for UNRWA -- which Israel has criticized as politically biased -- could "push conditions beyond breaking point."

Because of insufficient funding, UNRWA has scaled back its operations since the start of the year.

"As we meet here today, the safety and welfare of millions of Palestine refugees hangs in the balance," Guterres told a donor conference for the UN agency.

He noted the "utterly appalling" living conditions in Gaza, violence by Israeli settlers in the West Bank and Israeli strikes on Lebanon.

"It [UNRWA] faces sweeping restrictions throughout the Occupied Palestinian Territory. And a cash shortfall that imperils its work across the region," Guterres said.

"I am appalled by continuing efforts to marginalize and undermine UNRWA through disinformation, smear campaigns, legislative actions, operational restrictions, diplomatic roadblocks and more," he said.

Israel has long opposed UNRWA, created by the UN General Assembly in 1949, and intensified its criticism after October 7, alleging that employees participated in the deadly 2023 attack on Israel.


Hundreds of Thousands of Lebanese Head Home as Fighting Eases, Many Still Stranded

Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)
Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)
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Hundreds of Thousands of Lebanese Head Home as Fighting Eases, Many Still Stranded

Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)
Lebanese people drive a vehicle loaded with mattresses as they return to their village in the town of Nabatieh, southern Lebanon, 23 June 2026, amid a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah. (EPA)

Some 400,000 Lebanese uprooted by war have returned to southern Lebanon, with more expected to follow in the coming week, a government minister said on Tuesday, encouraged by a lull in the four-month-long conflict between Israel and Hezbollah.

Yet many remain unable to go back. Since March, around 1 million people have been forced to flee their homes, and large numbers are still in shelters or temporary housing because their homes are destroyed or uninhabitable, said Hanine ‌El Sayed, Minister of Social Affairs.

Roughly 40% ‌of those displaced have now returned to their towns ‌and ⁠villages. The number ⁠of people staying in collective shelters has fallen sharply, to about 13,000 from 37,000, she said.

While some shelters will remain open for families who cannot return, aid programs — including emergency cash support — will continue. The number of shelters has dropped from 692 at the height of the crisis to 479, with additional centers opened in Nabatieh for those wanting to stay near their home ⁠areas.

El Sayed said the headline figures conceal a ‌gap between those able to return and ‌those still displaced.

"These are families that are able to return to something, at least ‌the basic minimum," she told Reuters. "The fact that the others have ‌not returned means they have a much harder situation."

Authorities expect further returns in the coming days and hope within about a week to better gauge how many families cannot go back at all.

"In about a week's time ... we would really know ‌the size of the problem - how many absolutely cannot return because their homes have been totally damaged," she said.

CHALLENGES ⁠OF GOING ⁠HOME

For many, returning home does not mean a return to normal life. Families are often finding damaged houses, scarce electricity and water, and destroyed businesses and livelihoods, as the government works to restore basic services and expand cash assistance, rental support and employment programs.

Yet despite these hardships, many are choosing to return.

"Many of the people of the south are very attached to their land and they want to rightfully make a claim back to it," El Sayed said.

The government estimates Lebanon will need billions of dollars to rebuild damaged homes and infrastructure, funding that it does not currently have, El Sayed said.

Nearly 90,000 housing units have been totally or partially destroyed in the latest conflict, adding to widespread damage from earlier fighting.


Aoun Optimistic on ‘Best Possible’ Deal for Lebanon, Banks on US Role

In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)
In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)
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Aoun Optimistic on ‘Best Possible’ Deal for Lebanon, Banks on US Role

In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)
In this photo, released by the Lebanese Presidency press office, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, right, shakes hands with Adm. Brad Cooper, the top US military commander in the Middle East, at the presidential place in Baabda, east of Beirut, Lebanon, Monday, June 29, 2026. (Lebanese Presidency press office via AP)

In one phrase, Lebanese President Joseph Aoun answers critics of the framework agreement Lebanon and Israel signed late last week, an agreement he admits is “not ideal”, “Give me the alternative.”

For more than three years, Lebanon has been reeling from the fallout of Hezbollah’s successive “support” wars, first for Gaza in late 2023 and then for Iran on March 2 in wake of the war with the United States and Israel. Still, visitors to Aoun come away with a clear impression that the president is optimistic about the path opened by the agreement.

A senior Lebanese source said the reality created by those wars has added to Lebanon’s burden. Beirut had been negotiating over Israel’s withdrawal from five hills it occupied in the first round.

It then found itself negotiating under fire and occupation, as Israel’s presence expanded to the outskirts of Nabatieh in the east and Tyre on the coast, seizing Bint Jbeil in between.

The source placed direct responsibility for the war on Hezbollah. “Had it not been for its six rockets, which it fired last March, we would not be in this position today,” the source said.

The agreement is the result of facts imposed by the battlefield and by Lebanon’s condition as it buckles under rising human and material losses, with no clear path to a solution, it added.

A framework, not yet an agreement

Still, the source insisted the agreement “is not bad. More precisely, it has not become an agreement yet. It is a framework agreement that sets broad guidelines, pending the fine details that will be negotiated gradually.”

Lebanon is betting on the new US momentum to press Israel into making concessions on those details, it continued.

The clearest sign that the agreement is not bad, according to the source, “was Israel’s fierce rejection of it at first. That rejection would not have turned into approval without the major US pressure applied in the final hours before signing.”

The second sign was how quickly Israeli leaders moved to craft their own version of the agreement, “which has nothing to do with the truth,” the source said.

“Ninety percent of what Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said is not true,” it stressed.

An Israeli military vehicle maneuvers on the Lebanese side of the Israel-Lebanon border, as seen from the Upper Galilee, 28 June 2026, amid an Israel-Lebanon ceasefire. (EPA)

US support

Lebanon sees clear US support as its best weapon against Israel’s lack of interest in a solution and its tilt toward constant escalation.

The strongest proof, Lebanese officials believe, is that US President Donald Trump has called Aoun twice so far. Both calls were highly positive, as were calls from other US officials who contacted Aoun more than once, including Vice President JD Vance and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who remained in continuous contact with him.

The source asked: Can Lebanon afford to risk losing US support when everyone knows the Americans are the only party able to exert real pressure on Israel?

The source said Trump, in his latest call with Aoun, was very clear in adopting Lebanon’s demands for a full Israeli withdrawal “despite the disruptions.”

Trump also expressed readiness to help revive Lebanon and put it back on track. That track includes the return of displaced people, reconstruction, and extending state authority through its own forces across all Lebanese territory, a Lebanese demand above anyone else’s.

The Doha cell and a Hezbollah representative

The Americans are closely tracking developments in Lebanon.

Although Washington is separating what is being agreed on in the Pakistan with Iran track from the Lebanese-Israeli track, it is working in parallel on the Lebanese file. That includes setting up the cell provided for in the US-Iranian understanding to monitor the ceasefire in Lebanon.

The source said the committee would operate from a liaison point in the Qatari capital, Doha. It would include representatives of the United States, Lebanon, Qatar and Iran, as well as Hezbollah, likely the group’s representative in Tehran.

A satellite image shows the village of Froun in Lebanon, June 24, 2026. (Pléiades Neo © Airbus DS 2026/Handout via Reuters)

Ali al-Taher

When practical negotiations over the withdrawal began, Aoun proposed starting with an Israeli pullback from Kfar Tibnit and the historic Beaufort Castle, the last point reached by Israeli forces in their advance. The aim was to push Israeli forces away from Nabatieh after they had reached the city’s outskirts.

But the proposal collided with Israel’s determination to reach the Ali al-Taher heights, believed to contain a massive underground Hezbollah military facility.

Aoun called Rubio and proposed that the Lebanese army enter the area, while the Israeli army would withdraw beyond the Litani River. Rubio contacted the Israelis. Aoun, through intermediaries, contacted Hezbollah.

Israel approved the proposal. Hezbollah gave two contradictory answers. The first allowed the army to deploy without entering the facility. The second rejected the idea completely.

Later, Hezbollah settled on one answer: the matter was absolutely unacceptable. The proposal collapsed.

The area’s importance goes beyond Hezbollah’s facility. If Israeli forces position themselves there, they would directly overlook Nabatieh. From the other side, the heights overlook Israeli settlements, especially Metula, just a few kilometers from Nabatieh.

The idea of a withdrawal from that area was shelved. Instead, the focus shifted to another pullback from Zawtar al-Gharbieh and to the launch of a “pilot zone” there and the towns of Froun and Ghandourieh in the central sector.

That was the middle-ground solution. A withdrawal from the coastal line falls under the same equation because of its proximity to the southern border and, therefore, its high sensitivity for Israel.