SDF Commander to Asharq Al-Awsat: Syria Must Remain United

Mazloum Abdi says Türkiye is not responding to mediation and Kobane is threatened with disaster.

Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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SDF Commander to Asharq Al-Awsat: Syria Must Remain United

Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Commander of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) Mazloum Abdi revealed that coordination had been taking place on the ground since the second day of the Deterrence of Aggression operation, waged by the Military Operations Command led by Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) group, against the Syrian regime.

He added however that direct negotiations have not been launched with the HTS, led by Ahmed al-Sharaa, which had ousted Syrian President Bashar al-Assad on December 8.

In an interview to Asharq Al-Awsat, Abdi stressed that the SDF was prepared to merge with new Syrian army, but only after reaching a negotiated agreement on the “suitable framework”.

Moreover, he underlined the need for “Syria to remain a united country.” The shape of its new political system should be decided by the people and constitutional discussions.

*Were you aware of the operations of the Syrian factions before December 27? Did you ever predict that Assad’s regime would fall in ten days?

We had signals that the armed factions were launching a military operation against the former regime. This was expected, but what was not expected was the rapid collapse of the army without putting up a fight. We were also surprised that their allies, who had stood by it throughout the Syrian revolution, were so quick to abandon it. I believe we will find out more in the future about what happened behind the scenes of the operation.

*Was there any coordination or communication with the HTS during those ten days of fighting?

No coordination was taking place with the HTS before the operation. We did get in contact on the second day to avert a clash between our forces in some Aleppo neighborhoods and to evacuate refugees from the Tal Rifaat camps that had been attacked by Türkiye-backed factions. This field coordination is still ongoing.

Syrian Kurds wave independence-era flags during a rally in support of the SDF in the northeastern city of Qamishli, on December 19, 2024. (AFP)

*What will Syria look like after Assad’s collapse? Will you take part in negotiations with the HTS over the shape of the state and its political system?

We have not yet launched direct negotiations with the HTS, but we believe that Syria should be a decentralized democratic state where the country’s diversity will be safeguarded by the constitution and the rights of all segments of society, including the Kurds, will be ensured.

We are not seeking Syria’s division and we are prepared to play our role in building and in partnering with the government that will rule the country. Syria has witnessed a lot of bloodshed. We are urgently calling for comprehensive direct dialogue to pave the way for the era of peace so that Syria can forge ahead and rebuild itself.

*Do the Kurds wants a federal or confederate Syria?

Above all else, it is imperative that Syria remain united. We believe that a lot of discussions will be held over the shape of the ruling system. This will be up to the people to decide and up to the constitutional discussions.

*What are the SDF’s conditions should negotiations be held over the regions controlled by the autonomous administration?

We don’t want to call them conditions, but there are some issues that are imposed by the reality on the ground and that should be taken into consideration. The priority lies in ending the military operations throughout Syria, especially the attacks carried out by Türkiye and its affiliated factions against the SDF. This will allow us, as Syrians, to discuss the future of our country without foreign interference of dictates. The regions controlled by the autonomous administration are Syrian and their representatives should have their voices heard and they should be part of discussions on building the future.

About the country’s resources, they belong to all the Syrian people. We are committed to a future where the resources are fairly and equally distributed by the state to all Syrians so that everyone can enjoy stability and prosperity. Attention must be given to regions that had been marginalized by the Assad regime.

*Leader of the new administration in Damascus Ahmed al-Sharaa had called on all Syrian armed factions to lay down their arms. Some have already done so; what is the SDF’s position on this?

The Syria of the future must have a unified national army that defends the country and its citizens. This is not up for debate. The SDF’s weapons will go to the army and the SDF will merge with the army. However, for this to happen, we need to have direct negotiations to reach a framework over how this can be implemented.

*There are growing Kurdish concerns over the city of Ain al-Arab, or Kobane. What are the SDF’s plans should it be attacked?

The threat by the Türkiye-backed factions against Kobane remains very serious. We are working with our partners in the US-led international coalition to ease the tensions there. That is why we proposed that the region be removed of all weapons. This will ease the concerns that Türkiye has spoken about. Türkiye, however, has not yet responded to this proposal and it continues to amass its forces. The truth is the attack on Kobane will be a disaster and will pose a major threat to the stability of the region. We hope it won’t happen.

*Are there direct or indirect contacts or negotiations with Ankara over the Syrian regions bordering Türkiye?

Indirect contacts are taking place with Türkiye through our partners in the international coalition. However, we want to hold direct negotiations to ease Türkiye’s fears, but Ankara has so far not expressed its readiness for such talks even though we are.

*Regional and international powers have constantly demanded that you sever ties with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). What do you say to these demands?

We have previously said that the SDF does not have organizational ties to the PKK. Some of its members have joined us in battles against ISIS. We fought side by side, but they will be removed once the military operations end and once the mechanism to do so is in place. The decision making in northern and eastern Syria has long been in the hands of the people and it will remain so. There are no justifications for these fears.

Syrian Kurds wave independence-era flags during a demonstration in support of the Syrian Democratic Forces in the northeastern city of Qamishli, on December 19, 2024. (AFP)

*Will the SDF allow the Syrian members of the Peshmerga in Iraqi Kurdistan return to Syria?

We are talking about building a national Syrian army, the laying down of arms and merging the factions with the army. If members of the Peshmerga return home from abroad, then they will naturally play a role in building their nation.

*What is your assessment of the threat posed by ISIS in Syria?

Combating ISIS is a priority for the Syrian people and region. The SDF is ready to work with the new Damascus government in operations against the organization and in combating terrorism.

We are committed to ensuring the security of our neighbors. Syria will not pose a threat to their safety and stability. We are prepared to work with the central government to put in place measures that guarantee that no non-Syrian actors will threaten Syria and its neighbors’ security. We are also ready, in principle, to hand over the responsibility of monitoring the border to the Damascus authorities according to an agreed framework.

*Are you planning on visiting Damascus?

Of course. Damascus is our capital, and we will visit it when the conditions are right.



Israeli Settlers Impeded Firefighting Near West Bank Village, Palestinians Say

Smoke rises after Israeli settlers reportedly set fire to agricultural fields surrounding the village of Taybeh, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank on June 10, 2026. (AFP)
Smoke rises after Israeli settlers reportedly set fire to agricultural fields surrounding the village of Taybeh, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank on June 10, 2026. (AFP)
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Israeli Settlers Impeded Firefighting Near West Bank Village, Palestinians Say

Smoke rises after Israeli settlers reportedly set fire to agricultural fields surrounding the village of Taybeh, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank on June 10, 2026. (AFP)
Smoke rises after Israeli settlers reportedly set fire to agricultural fields surrounding the village of Taybeh, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank on June 10, 2026. (AFP)

Israeli settlers obstructed Palestinians putting out a large blaze near a Christian village in the Israeli-occupied West Bank late on Tuesday, a local priest and Palestinian civil defense firefighters said.

The incident comes amid rising strife in the West Bank, where some Western countries announced sanctions on settler groups this week over violent Israeli attacks on Palestinians.

Father Bashar Fawadleh, parish priest of Taybeh, said settlers had shot firearms and surrounded people trying to take a water tanker to the site to fight the fire.

The Israeli military also temporarily stopped firefighters reaching the blaze while they arranged security coordination, Palestinian Authority Civil Defense spokesperson Nael ‌al-Azza said.

The firefighters were ‌eventually able to reach the fire and put it out, ‌though ⁠settlers continued trying ⁠to obstruct them, Fawadleh and Azza said.

Israel's military did not immediately respond to a Reuters request for comment on the incident.

'ONGOING PATTERN OF INTIMIDATION'

Reuters visited the village on Wednesday and smoke was still rising from a large area of burned hillside.

Fawadleh said he believed the fire was a result of arson, but he did not say who he thought was responsible.

"What we are experiencing is not a series of isolated incidents, but an ⁠ongoing pattern of intimidation and unjustified violence that undermines our ‌fundamental right to safety, security, and dignity," he said ‌in a statement.

The West Bank and Jerusalem are home to around 50,000 Palestinian Christians, members ‌of a religious community there stretching back to antiquity in a region that is ‌home to many of the faith's most important holy sites.

Taybeh is one of the only Christian villages remaining in the West Bank and was visited last year by the Greek Orthodox patriarch and the Roman Catholic cardinal of Jerusalem.

Around 700,000 Israeli settlers live among 3.4 million Palestinians ‌in the West Bank and East Jerusalem, territories Israel captured from Jordan in the 1967 war, which Palestinians see as part ⁠of a future ⁠state.

A UN inquiry released on Tuesday found that Israeli authorities were directly involved in settler attacks that have killed, injured and displaced Palestinians in the West Bank.

Israel's mission in Geneva rejected that report's findings. Israel says its military and police maintain security in the West Bank and condemn any forms of violence.

Governance in the West Bank has been split since the 1993 Oslo Accords into different zones delineating Israeli military and Palestinian Authority control.

Parts of Taybeh are located in Area B, where the PA runs civil administration but where security control must be coordinated with Israeli authorities.

The movement and deployment of Palestinian emergency responders into Area B generally requires coordination with Israeli security bodies, Palestinians say.

Although the PA has a Civil Defense center in Taybeh, the Israeli military prevented them accessing the site of the fire until the security coordination was complete, Azza said.


Asharq Al-Awsat Publishes Palestinian Factions’ Amendment to 8th Clause of Gaza Agreement

Palestinians are seen at a school sheltering displaced people in Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza on Tuesday. (AFP)
Palestinians are seen at a school sheltering displaced people in Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza on Tuesday. (AFP)
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Asharq Al-Awsat Publishes Palestinian Factions’ Amendment to 8th Clause of Gaza Agreement

Palestinians are seen at a school sheltering displaced people in Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza on Tuesday. (AFP)
Palestinians are seen at a school sheltering displaced people in Jabalia refugee camp in northern Gaza on Tuesday. (AFP)

Mediators of Gaza’s fragile ceasefire, along with Palestinian factions, are counting on US President Donald Trump’s administration to press Israel to accept the agreed wording on a 15-point roadmap received by Hamas last April.

Palestinian factions reached “close” positions with mediators from Egypt, Qatar, and Türkiye on amendments to the roadmap, focusing mainly on the disputed eighth clause on weapons in Gaza.

The amended wording of the eighth clause, seen by Asharq Al-Awsat, calls for the inventorying and storage of weapons, including infrastructure, to be carried out gradually and in stages, according to a timetable.

The process would take place in parallel with Israel’s withdrawal from the areas it controls in the Gaza Strip and the completion of the first phase of the ceasefire agreement with all its requirements.

Those include “the full implementation of the humanitarian protocol, the halt to targeted attacks, Israel’s commitment to withdrawal from the enclave, the entry of the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza and its assumption of duties, the deployment of the International Stabilization Force, and the dismantling of armed militias.”

The amendment added that implementation shall be carried out through the national committee, with the support of international forces and in cooperation with Palestinian organizations.

All of this comes within the framework of Trump’s plan and in accordance with relevant international resolutions and laws.

Indirect talks between Israel on one side and Hamas and other factions on the other have stalled over moving to new phases of the Gaza ceasefire announced last October, which Israel has repeatedly breached, killing more than 970 Palestinians since then.

The Palestinian side has insisted on implementing the requirements of the first phase, including the Israeli army’s withdrawal from the territory it occupies and the entry of aid and goods into Gaza. Tel Aviv, meanwhile, is pressing for the factions to disarm, describing this as the most prominent provision of the second phase.

Hamas delegation stays in Cairo

According to two Hamas sources and other sources from Palestinian factions involved in the Cairo meetings, the Hamas delegation was asked to stay in Cairo and await the response to the agreed wording.

Other faction delegations that had come from abroad left, while some members who had recently been based in Egypt remained.

A Hamas source said the movement’s delegation in Egypt would likely be asked to hold further consultations with the mediators on some issues that Israel, and even the Trump administration, may object to in the proposed amendments, mainly over the text rather than the substance.

According to the four sources, the mediators told the factions that took part in the meetings that they would seek agreement with the US administration and Israel on the wording reached and would brief them on developments from consultations with all parties.

Another Hamas source said Türkiye was playing “an important and major role” in persuading the US administration, while Qatari Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani was in direct contact with US envoy Steve Witkoff to push for the success of the important step that had been reached.

Nickolay Mladenov, the High Representative for Gaza at the Board of Peace, is expected to arrive in Cairo on Wednesday or Thursday.

But a source close to the Board of Peace team told Asharq Al-Awsat that Mladenov would likely begin his visit “in Israel first, to reach understandings with officials there before moving on to Cairo.”

Palestinian sources were pessimistic about Israel’s response and expected it to be “negative” toward the wording of the roadmap amendments.


Attacks on Gulf States...an Obstacle to Egypt-Iran Rapprochement

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi during his meeting with his Iranian counterpart in Cairo in December 2024 (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi during his meeting with his Iranian counterpart in Cairo in December 2024 (Egyptian Presidency)
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Attacks on Gulf States...an Obstacle to Egypt-Iran Rapprochement

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi during his meeting with his Iranian counterpart in Cairo in December 2024 (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi during his meeting with his Iranian counterpart in Cairo in December 2024 (Egyptian Presidency)

After two years of steadily improving ties that appeared to be moving toward the restoration of full diplomatic relations, Egypt and Iran now seem to be facing a major setback. Egypt views Iran's current war and the subsequent attacks it carried out against Gulf states as a violation of one of its key conditions for fully normalizing relations: that Iran must not threaten the security of the Gulf or the wider region.

In a series of official statements and comments, Egypt has strongly condemned the Iranian attacks targeting Gulf Arab states, describing them as a dangerous escalation, a blatant violation of national sovereignty, and a direct threat to regional security and stability.

In its latest position, Egypt on Wednesday condemned "in the strongest terms" what it described as Iran's attacks on Jordan, Bahrain and Kuwait, saying they constituted "a flagrant violation of the sovereignty and territorial integrity of these sisterly states and a highly dangerous escalation that threatens the security and stability of the entire region," according to a Foreign Ministry statement.

Egypt stressed that "the security and stability of sisterly Arab states are an integral part of Egyptian and Arab national security," reiterating its categorical rejection of any actions or practices that undermine state sovereignty or threaten territorial integrity and security. It also underscored the importance of de-escalation and respect for international law in order to preserve regional security and stability.

For its part, Iran has been seeking to restore momentum in its relationship with Egypt. On Monday, Iran's mission in Cairo announced that Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi had met in Tehran with Mojtaba Ferdowsi, head of Iran's Interests Section in Cairo, to discuss the course of bilateral relations.

According to the mission, Ferdowsi briefed Araghchi on the latest developments in relations between the two countries, as well as ongoing political contacts and cooperation in several fields.

The mission said Araghchi emphasized the importance of continuing bilateral consultations, adding that Egypt-Iran relations had made notable progress in recent years and that "continuous dialogue and consultation between Cairo and Tehran constitute an important pillar in supporting efforts for peace and stability in the Middle East."

Egyptian and Iranian presidents and their delegations on the sidelines of the BRICS summit in Russia in October 2024 (Egyptian Presidency)

Bare Minimum

Diplomatic relations between Egypt and Iran were severed in 1979 before being resumed 11 years later at the chargé d'affaires level.

Over the past two years, Egyptian and Iranian officials have held a series of meetings to discuss the possibility of developing relations further. Progress gained momentum in May 2023 following a presidential directive in Iran instructing the Foreign Ministry to take the necessary steps to strengthen relations with Egypt.

The period also saw meetings between the two countries' foreign ministers, as well as encounters between Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi and both Iran's late president Ebrahim Raisi and current President Masoud Pezeshkian.

Asked about the prospects for advancing bilateral ties under current circumstances, former Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohamed El-Orabi said there was little room at present to speak of further development in Egypt-Iran relations.

"The region is experiencing turmoil that requires maintaining only the minimum level of relations necessary to manage the situation, reduce tensions and prevent further escalation," he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

He added: "The situation is not as dynamic as Tehran portrays it. There are certainly contacts and consultations, but they are aimed at addressing concerns that could further destabilize the region, not at deepening relations. Egypt rejects Iran's attacks on Gulf states and has strongly condemned them. That message has reached Iran, which is now trying to restore the level of rapprochement that existed before the current war."

File: The Egyptian Foreign Minister and his Iranian counterpart in Cairo (Egyptian Foreign Ministry)

Tarek Fahmy, professor of political science and international relations at Cairo University, said Egypt had approached Iran cautiously even before the war because of a longstanding lack of trust.

"Even when Iran responded by changing the name of Islambouli Street, named after the assassin of President Anwar Sadat, Egyptian officials stressed that this was not the basis of Egypt's demands for restoring relations with Iran," Fahmy said.

"There were broader political and security requirements related to regional security, foremost among them the security of the Gulf states and non-interference in Arab affairs."

He added that despite Iranian assurances intended to demonstrate goodwill and meet Egypt's requirements, which helped advance relations to some extent, Iran's current war and the subsequent attacks directed at Gulf states prompted Egypt to stand firmly behind Gulf security.

The Message Was Received

During two phone calls with the Iranian president in March and May, Sisi stressed Egypt's categorical rejection of any violation of Gulf states' sovereignty.

"The message has reached Iran, and Tehran has taken notice of it," Fahmy said. "It is now working to address the issue in an effort to restore the trajectory of relations with Cairo."

According to Fahmy, Iran wants Egypt to be one of the principal parties involved in any current or future negotiations with the United States, Israel or the International Atomic Energy Agency because of Egypt's credibility and its ability to maintain channels of communication with all sides.

"Tehran understands that its negotiations cannot rely on Pakistan alone," he said, adding that Iran also views Egypt as a key stabilizing force for regional security and stability.

Nevertheless, Fahmy does not expect Cairo to restore full diplomatic relations with Tehran unless Iran fulfills Egypt's conditions and requirements.

"Egypt will not take that step unless stability and balance are restored in the Gulf and the region as a whole," he said.