Jomaili to Asharq Al-Awsat: Iraqi Intelligence Suggested Khomeini’s Assassination in Najaf but Saddam Refused

Jomaili to Asharq Al-Awsat: Iraqi Intelligence Suggested Khomeini’s Assassination in Najaf but Saddam Refused
TT

Jomaili to Asharq Al-Awsat: Iraqi Intelligence Suggested Khomeini’s Assassination in Najaf but Saddam Refused

Jomaili to Asharq Al-Awsat: Iraqi Intelligence Suggested Khomeini’s Assassination in Najaf but Saddam Refused

Is it true that Saddam Hussein saved Khomeini’s life when he rejected a suggestion to assassinate him while he was staying in al-Najaf? What about the tale of the explosive that was placed in Khomeini’s pillow at his home in Tehran?

These questions, and many more, had remained unanswered for decades. I sought the man who would provide the answers and found them with Iraq’s former intelligence officer Salem al-Jomaili.

When the United States invaded Iraq in 2003, al-Jomaili was director of the US branch in the intelligence agency. He was quick to destroy whatever documents he could find before American forces found him. He was soon arrested by the invading forces and spent nine months in prison. He left for Oman soon after his release.

Asharq Al-Awsat sat down with al-Jomaili to discuss several intriguing events that took place during his time in office. In the mid-1960s Khomeini came to Iraq. After the July 1968 revolution, Iraq opposed the Shah of Iran’s decision to annex the three Emirati islands.

Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi mobilized his forces to the Iraqi border as a threat. Khomeini urged Iranian soldiers to mutiny against the Shah, saying no Muslim should fight another. The Shah also backed the Kurdish opposition in Iraq and Iraq started backing the Iranian opposition against the Shah, recalled al-Jomaili.

“We allowed Khomeini’s supporters to carry out activities in Iraq and granted them permits. They were allowed to set up a radio station and he kicked off his political activity,” he added.

After the 1975 Algiers agreement, Iran stopped its support to the Kurds and their movement collapsed. Among the agreement’s conditions was for the Iranian opposition to cease its activity in Iraq. Khomeini was urged to take into account the new situation and respect the conditions of Iraq’s ties with Iran. He refused.

“We informed him that he must leave Iraq if he remained insistent on continuing his activity. So, he headed to Kuwait where he remained stuck in a border region before Iraqi authorities agreed to his return to al-Najaf,” said al-Jomaili.

The relationship with Khomeini and between Iraq and Iran became complicated after authorities realized that he would not comply with orders and that he would not be easily contained. Amid the tensions, the intelligence agency met to discuss the situation. One officer proposed that Khomeini be assassinated with the blame being pinned on Shiite Spiritual leader Abu al-Qasim Khoei, effectively eliminating both figures from the equation.

The intelligence agency did not dare present the second part of the plan to Saddam, but only revealed the part about Khomeini’s assassination, added al-Jomaili. The president opposed it, saying: “Doesn’t the intelligence agency know that he is Iraq’s guest?”

Soon after, Khomeini left for Paris. Saddam dispatched an envoy to ask Khomeini about what he would do if the Shah regime were to collapse. Khomeini revealed that once the Islamic revolution succeeds, attention would be focused on toppling of the Baath regime in Iraq.

Saddam then realized that a confrontation would be inevitable once Khomeini returned to Tehran.

The Shah was eventually toppled and Khomeini came to power. Shiite movements in Iraq soon began to express their support to him. Khomeini began inciting Iraqi Shiite Authority Mohammad Baqir al-Hakim to declare an Islamic revolution in Iraq. This hatred to the Iraqi regime led to a series of attacks by Iran’s proxies in Iraq. Among the attacks was the failed assassination attempts against Tariq Aziz and Saadoun Hamady.

It appeared that a clash was imminent, “which is why we kept detained an Iranian pilot whose plane was downed over Iraq. We kept him as evidence before the eruption of the war to show that Iran was the side that started the fight,” al-Jomaili said.

After the Islamic revolution, Khomeini turned against the People's Mojahedin Organization of Iran in spite of its role in ousting the Shah. The war then erupted and “we had to bring in essential forces. The confrontation with Iran was open and unrestrained,” recalled al-Jomaili. “The Mojahedin members had experience in military and security work and had deep roots in society. We also had relations with the Kurdistan Democratic Party in Iran. These ties allowed Iraqi intelligence to deal painful blows to the Iranian regime.”

Painful blows

The Iraqi intelligence agency offered all forms of media, technical, financial and military support to the Kurdistan Democratic Party and Mojahedin. The first target was the Iranian Shura Council and the operation was to be overseen by head of intelligence and Saddam’s half-brother, Barzan Ibrahim al-Tikriti.

The operation called for booby-trapping the location of the council meeting. It took place in June 1981. Seventy-two leading figures were killed in the attack, including head of the judicial authority Mohammad Hosseini Beheshti, ministers, lawmakers and other senior officials.

Iran’s current Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was another target. He was targeted by an explosive, which was placed in a tape recorder, while he was delivering a speech in Tehran. The attack left him with a paralyzed right hand. Khomeini was also set to attend the event, but he was delayed and survived.

Tikriti then set his sights on a bigger target, Khomeini himself. The opportunity presented itself in 1981. Reaching Khomeini would be difficult, but a cleric, who was close to him and also sympathetic to the Mojahedin, helped carry out the plan. Intelligence agents prepared a small explosive and placed it in Khomeini’s bed pillow. The bomb went off at the wrong time when Khomeini was out of his house

The attacks continued. Iranian President Mohammad-Ali Rajai was assassinated in Tehran in August 1981, less than two months after he came to power.

Bitter conflict in Kuwait

Al-Jomaili said the bitter conflict between Iraq and Iran was not restricted to their territories. It even reached Kuwait. Iraq’s pro-Iran Dawa party supported the use of Kuwaiti territory to carry out attacks against Baghdad.

Al-Jomaili accused Iran of attempting to assassinate Emir of Kuwait Sheikh Jaber al-Ahmad Al Sabah in 1985. The Dawa party targeted Tariq Azaz in an attack at Kuwait’s Mustansiriyah University. Iraqi intelligence retaliated with the attempt on the life of Iranian Foreign Minister Sadegh Ghotbzadeh, who was on his way to meet the Emir.



Israel Cracks Down on Palestinian Citizens Who Speak out against the War in Gaza

The Palestinian health ministry in Gaza said Friday that hospitals have only two days' fuel left before they must restrict services, after the UN warned aid delivery to the war-devastated territory is being crippled. - AFP
The Palestinian health ministry in Gaza said Friday that hospitals have only two days' fuel left before they must restrict services, after the UN warned aid delivery to the war-devastated territory is being crippled. - AFP
TT

Israel Cracks Down on Palestinian Citizens Who Speak out against the War in Gaza

The Palestinian health ministry in Gaza said Friday that hospitals have only two days' fuel left before they must restrict services, after the UN warned aid delivery to the war-devastated territory is being crippled. - AFP
The Palestinian health ministry in Gaza said Friday that hospitals have only two days' fuel left before they must restrict services, after the UN warned aid delivery to the war-devastated territory is being crippled. - AFP

Israel’s yearlong crackdown against Palestinian citizens who speak out against the war in Gaza is prompting many to self-censor out of fear of being jailed and further marginalized in society, while some still find ways to dissent — carefully.
Ahmed Khalefa's life turned upside down after he was charged with inciting terrorism for chanting in solidarity with Gaza at an anti-war protest in October 2023, The Associated Press said.
The lawyer and city counselor from central Israel says he spent three difficult months in jail followed by six months detained in an apartment. It's unclear when he'll get a final verdict on his guilt or innocence. Until then, he's forbidden from leaving his home from dusk to dawn.
Khalefa is one of more than 400 Palestinian citizens of Israel who, since the start of the war in Gaza, have been investigated by police for “incitement to terrorism” or “incitement to violence,” according to Adalah, a legal rights group for minorities. More than half of those investigated were also criminally charged or detained, Adalah said.
“Israel made it clear they see us more as enemies than as citizens,” Khalefa said in an interview at a cafe in his hometown of Umm al-Fahm, Israel's second-largest Palestinian city.
Israel has roughly 2 million Palestinian citizens, whose families remained within the borders of what became Israel in 1948. Among them are Muslims and Christians, and they maintain family and cultural ties to Gaza and the West Bank, which Israel captured in 1967.
Israel says its Palestinian citizens enjoy equal rights, including the right to vote, and they are well-represented in many professions. However, Palestinians are widely discriminated against in areas like housing and the job market.
Israeli authorities have opened more incitement cases against Palestinian citizens during the war in Gaza than in the previous five years combined, Adalah's records show. Israeli authorities have not said how many cases ended in convictions and imprisonment. The Justice Ministry said it did not have statistics on those convictions.
Just being charged with incitement to terrorism or identifying with a terrorist group can land a suspect in detention until they're sentenced, under the terms of a 2016 law.
In addition to being charged as criminals, Palestinians citizens of Israel — who make up around 20% of the country’s population — have lost jobs, been suspended from schools and faced police interrogations posting online or demonstrating, activists and rights watchdogs say.
It’s had a chilling effect.
“Anyone who tries to speak out about the war will be imprisoned and harassed in his work and education,” said Oumaya Jabareen, whose son was jailed for eight months after an anti-war protest. “People here are all afraid, afraid to say no to this war.”
Jabareen was among hundreds of Palestinians who filled the streets of Umm al-Fahm earlier this month carrying signs and chanting political slogans. It appeared to be the largest anti-war demonstration in Israel since the Oct. 7 Hamas attack. But turnout was low, and Palestinian flags and other national symbols were conspicuously absent. In the years before the war, some protests could draw tens of thousands of Palestinians in Israel.
Authorities tolerated the recent protest march, keeping it under heavily armed supervision. Helicopters flew overhead as police with rifles and tear gas jogged alongside the crowd, which dispersed without incident after two hours. Khalefa said he chose not to attend.
Shortly after the Oct. 7 attack, Israel’s far-right government moved quickly to invigorate a task force that has charged Palestinian citizens of Israel with “supporting terrorism” for posts online or protesting against the war. At around the same time, lawmakers amended a security bill to increase surveillance of online activity by Palestinians in Israel, said Nadim Nashif, director of the digital rights group 7amleh. These moves gave authorities more power to restrict freedom of expression and intensify their arrest campaigns, Nashif said.
The task force is led by Itamar Ben-Gvir, a hard-line national security minister who oversees the police. His office said the task force has monitored thousands of posts allegedly expressing support for terror organizations and that police arrested “hundreds of terror supporters,” including public opinion leaders, social media influencers, religious figures, teachers and others.
“Freedom of speech is not the freedom to incite ... which harms public safety and our security,” his office said in a statement.
But activists and rights groups say the government has expanded its definition of incitement much too far, targeting legitimate opinions that are at the core of freedom of expression.
Myssana Morany, a human rights attorney at Adalah, said Palestinian citizens have been charged for seemingly innocuous things like sending a meme of a captured Israeli tank in Gaza in a private WhatsApp group chat. Another person was charged for posting a collage of children’s photos, captioned in Arabic and English: “Where were the people calling for humanity when we were killed?” The feminist activist group Kayan said over 600 women called its hotline because of blowback in the workplace for speaking out against the war or just mentioning it unfavorably.
Over the summer, around two dozen anti-war protesters in the port city of Haifa were only allowed to finish three chants before police forcefully scattered the gathering into the night. Yet Jewish Israelis demanding a hostage release deal protest regularly — and the largest drew hundreds of thousands to the streets of Tel Aviv.
Khalefa, the city counselor, is not convinced the crackdown on speech will end, even if the war eventually does. He said Israeli prosecutors took issue with slogans that broadly praised resistance and urged Gaza to be strong, but which didn’t mention violence or any militant groups. For that, he said, the government is trying to disbar him, and he faces up to eight years in prison.
“They wanted to show us the price of speaking out,” Khalefa said.