Iraq's 'Democratic Forces of Change' Unite for Provincial Electionshttps://english.aawsat.com/arab-world/4400516-iraqs-democratic-forces-change-unite-provincial-elections
Iraq's 'Democratic Forces of Change' Unite for Provincial Elections
Members of the Iraqi security forces. (File photo: Reuters)
Eleven Iraqi political parties and groups of the "Democratic Forces of Change" announced the formation of a political alliance to run in the provincial elections scheduled for Dec. 18.
The coalition includes an agreement with the al-Watan alliance.
In a statement, the coalition announced it was open to partners in various governorates ahead of the elections.
The electoral coalition will be formally unveiled during a press conference in the coming days.
The statement added that the groups aim to achieve national democratic change to establish a modern democratic civil state that adopts political and societal democracy based on citizenship and social justice.
The coalition includes the Iraqi Communist Party, Nazil Akhud Haqqi Movement (Coming to Take My Rights), the Social Democratic Current, lawmaker Sajjad Salem, the Iraqi Promise Movement, the National Civil Movement, the Democratic Current, the Tishreen Democratic Movement, the Watan Parliamentary Alliance among others.
All the allied for, safe for independent MP Sajad Salem, are not represented at parliament.
The majority of the members of the alliance had taken part in the October 2019 protest movement, but they did not run in the latest parliamentary elections that were held in October 2021.
Leading member of the Iraqi Communist Party Yasser al-Salem told Asharq Al-Awsat that the coalition will compete in 15 provinces, excluding Kurdistan
The new electoral law may allow them to win seats, in spite of the objections against it.
On Tuesday, the government postponed the elections from November to Dec. 18. They were last held in April 2013.
The new elections are supposed to cover 15 provinces, including the province of Kirkuk that is disputed between Baghdad and the Kurdistan region.
The three Kurdish provinces, Erbil, Dohuk and Sulaymaniyah, are running local elections separate from the rest of Iraq.
Türkiye Renews Offer to Sign Maritime Boundaries Agreement with Egypthttps://english.aawsat.com/arab-world/5335009-t%C3%BCrkiye-renews-offer-sign-maritime-boundaries-agreement-egypt
Türkiye Renews Offer to Sign Maritime Boundaries Agreement with Egypt
From a meeting between Erdogan and Sisi in Ankara (File - Turkish Presidency)
Türkiye has once again expressed willingness to sign a maritime boundary delimitation agreement with Egypt that would "serve the common interests of both countries," despite Cairo's firm rejection of the Turkish-Libyan memorandum of understanding on maritime jurisdiction zones signed in late 2019 and ratified by Libya's House of Representatives last week.
A Turkish Defense Ministry official said that the Libyan parliament's approval of the memorandum signed between Türkiye and Libya on October 20 represented “an important development supporting our approach based on international law, the principles of equity, and respect for the legitimate rights and interests of the coastal states concerned."
Responding to a question during the ministry's weekly press briefing regarding objections to the memorandum, the official reiterated Türkiye's readiness to conclude a maritime delimitation agreement with Egypt "in line with mutual interests."
He added that, according to Turkish estimates, if Egypt were to sign such an agreement with Türkiye, it would gain an additional maritime area of more than 15,000 square kilometers compared with a potential agreement with Greece.
He stressed that Türkiye would continue to protect its legitimate rights and interests in the Eastern Mediterranean within the framework of international law while contributing to regional peace, security, and stability.
Turkish Effort to Preserve Relations
The official's remarks echoed comments previously made by Turkish Defense Minister Yasar Guler, who said that an agreement with Egypt would grant Cairo an additional 15,000 square kilometers of maritime jurisdiction in the Eastern Mediterranean.
From Fidan's meeting with his Italian counterpart Antonio Tajani on the sidelines of the Istanbul meeting last week (Turkish Foreign Ministry)
During a Euro-Middle East meeting held in Istanbul last Friday and attended by the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Türkiye, Pakistan, Germany, Britain, and France, as well as Italian Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty reaffirmed Cairo's categorical rejection of Libya's parliamentary ratification of the Turkish-Libyan memorandum.
Abdelatty stated that the ratification would have "no legal effect" on Egypt.
Türkiye refrained from publicly criticizing Egypt's position, whether through official channels or media outlets, including those critical of the government.
Türkiye has sought to continue improving relations with Egypt and avoid another diplomatic dispute. This approach was reflected in remarks by President Recep Tayyip Erdogan following a cabinet meeting on Monday, when he stressed that Ankara does not seek to harm any party in the Eastern Mediterranean, advocates dialogue with all countries in the region, and intends to maintain relations with all influential actors in Libya.
Overtures to Greece
Following Libya's ratification of the Turkish-Libyan memorandum, Greece sent a letter to UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres reiterating its objections.
Meeting between Erdogan and Mitsotakis on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly meetings in 2024 (Turkish Presidency)
Athens argued that the ratification does not alter the memorandum's legal status, cannot create new legal obligations for third countries, conflicts with the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea (which Ankara has not signed), and lacks a valid legal foundation because of the geographical configuration of the coastlines between Türkiye and Libya.
Meanwhile, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan revealed in Brussels last week that Erdogan had made an energy-related proposal to Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis during the UN General Assembly meetings in September.
Erdogan reportedly suggested that Greece purchase electricity from Türkiye rather than spend more than €2 billion in European funds to transport electricity over a distance of 2,000 kilometers to Cyprus.
The proposal referred to the "Great Sea Interconnector" project, which aims to link Greece, Cyprus, and Israel through an undersea electricity cable in the Eastern Mediterranean, a project Türkiye insists requires its approval.
According to Fidan, Erdogan told Mitsotakis: "It would be better to buy electricity from Türkiye, which is only 70 miles away from you. We can also supply you with water, electricity, and natural gas."
A New Eastern Mediterranean Equation
For Italy, the ratification of the Turkish-Libyan memorandum has raised political and economic concerns, particularly regarding Türkiye's expanding influence in Libya and its implications for Italian interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.
From Fidan's meeting with his Italian counterpart Antonio Tajani on the sidelines of the Istanbul meeting last week (Turkish Foreign Ministry)
Some political circles in Rome have questioned whether Italy moved too quickly in supporting US-backed efforts to unify Libya under a framework that could place Saddam Haftar at the head of the Presidential Council.
They argue that such a course could strengthen ties between eastern Libya and Türkiye, a direct competitor to Italy in Libya, particularly after Italy's support for Khalifa Haftar helped increase Russia's influence there.
Türkiye has also floated the possibility of negotiations involving Egypt, Italy, and Libya as part of what observers describe as an effort to establish a new framework for the Eastern Mediterranean, one that could undermine the model promoted by Greece, Israel, and Cyprus.
Turkish political analyst Ahmet Erdi Ozturk noted that despite Egypt's continued objections, Cairo's ongoing direct contacts with both Ankara and Libya suggest that diplomatic options have not yet been exhausted.
He pointed in particular to a phone conversation last Saturday between Egyptian intelligence chief Major General Hassan Rashad and Libyan Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh, during which Dbeibeh expressed readiness to discuss Egypt's concerns regarding maritime jurisdiction.
Ozturk also cited Fidan's proposal for talks involving Türkiye, Egypt, Italy, and Libya as part of the same diplomatic context.
Ozturk adding that it would not be surprising if Greece and Israel eventually adjusted their positions as circumstances change.
1,400 Killed in Two Months as Yemen’s Dhamar Pays the Price of Houthi Attritionhttps://english.aawsat.com/arab-world/5334996-1400-killed-two-months-yemen%E2%80%99s-dhamar-pays-price-houthi-attrition
1,400 Killed in Two Months as Yemen’s Dhamar Pays the Price of Houthi Attrition
A previous exhibition of photographs of fallen fighters staged by the Houthis in Dhamar (X).
Yemen's Houthis have lost more than 1,400 fighters from Dhamar province in just two months, local sources said, exposing a mounting human toll as the group steps up recruitment and turns photographs of its dead into tools for mobilizing fresh fighters.
The Iran-aligned group has staged exhibitions of fallen fighters across Dhamar, about 100 km south of Sanaa, and its 12 districts, seeking to turn mounting battlefield losses into recruitment opportunities and replenish its depleted ranks.
Informed local sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the fighters were killed on several fronts, particularly in Taiz, Dhalea, Jawf, the western coast and Marib.
The sources said the exhibitions and funeral processions sweeping the province offered a stark picture of the group's losses, even as it continued sending more local men to the front lines to replace those killed.
In recent days, the Houthis have intensified exhibitions displaying photographs of their dead across Dhamar as part of an annual week commemorating fallen fighters.
The group has used the events to reinforce its recruitment rhetoric and normalize death on the battlefield, rather than confront the heavy human cost of its military campaigns and the suffering they have inflicted on Yemeni families, the sources said.
Streets turned into memorials
In Dhamar city, the Houthis have transformed neighborhoods, main streets, schools, mosques and government buildings into open-air galleries displaying photographs of hundreds of dead fighters, including children and minors, according to local sources.
The exhibitions have spread to Wisab al-Ali, Anis, Duran Anis, Wisab al-Safil, Maghrib Anis, Jabal al-Sharq, Jahran, Mayfa'at Anis, Al-Hada, Al-Manar and Utmah, where tents and displays bearing photographs of the dead have become part of the group's broader mobilization campaign.
The scale of the displays underscores the extent of the losses and the group's efforts to channel them into its military and recruitment agenda, the sources said.
The photographs extend beyond frontline fighters to people involved in general mobilization, recruitment and security operations, as well as government employees, education workers and students whom the Houthis had sent into battle.
But the campaign has struggled to attract public support.
Local sources said the Houthis had pressured residents in several parts of Dhamar to organize group visits to the exhibitions, only to face what they described as "lackluster" attendance despite attempts to compel participation.
Funeral processions and fresh recruits
Alongside the exhibitions, the Houthis have continued staging funeral processions, filling streets, neighborhoods and alleyways across Dhamar with photographs of their dead and sectarian slogans.
The campaign seeks to project an image of widespread public mobilization, even as residents face pressure to participate while grappling with severe economic hardship.
Activists from Dhamar said the surge in memorial exhibitions laid bare the scale of the group's human losses.
Rather than acknowledge the toll on families and communities, they said, the Houthis were exploiting their annual commemorations to renew recruitment efforts, particularly among minors and public employees under their authority.
The activists warned that turning the dead into recruitment symbols risked fueling further losses, as more young men were sent to the front lines to fill the gaps left by fallen fighters.
Such efforts, they said, threatened to deepen families' suffering and keep the province trapped in a relentless cycle of battlefield deaths.
Meanwhile, as millions in Houthi-controlled areas struggle with worsening living and humanitarian conditions, informed Yemeni sources estimated that the group had spent billions of Yemeni rials on printing photographs, mounting exhibitions and organizing related events across its territory.
The dollar trades at 535 Yemeni rials, according to the exchange rate cited in the original report.
The spending comes as families struggle to afford basic necessities amid deepening poverty and declining purchasing power.
The expenditures highlight the group's priorities: pouring substantial resources into propaganda and recruitment campaigns while living standards deteriorate and residents struggle to meet their most basic needs.
From Gaza to Ramallah, Palestinians See Little Hope in Israeli Votehttps://english.aawsat.com/arab-world/5334856-gaza-ramallah-palestinians-see-little-hope-israeli-vote
Palestinians walk past buildings destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza City Wednesday, Oct. 28, 2026. (AP)
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From Gaza to Ramallah, Palestinians See Little Hope in Israeli Vote
Palestinians walk past buildings destroyed during the Israel-Hamas war in Gaza City Wednesday, Oct. 28, 2026. (AP)
In war-ravaged Gaza and the occupied West Bank, many Palestinians were less focused on who would win Israel's election than on whether anything would really change.
Whether Benjamin Netanyahu clings to power with his far-right allies or centrist rival Gadi Eisenkot comes out on top, few see much reason for hope in the Tuesday vote.
"We fear these elections could bring an even worse leader," said Huda al-Houli, a displaced resident of Khan Younis in southern Gaza.
Such an outcome, she said, would only bring "more destruction and devastation" to the Palestinian territory.
Still, Houli said she hoped a more "human voice" would emerge in Israeli society and demand an end to the conflict, regardless of who forms the next government.
In Ramallah, in the West Bank, Ahmed Awad, 67, was equally skeptical.
"Whatever the result, and even if the politicians change, I don't think there will be any radical or dramatic shift in policies towards the Palestinian-Israeli conflict," he told AFP.
With 85 percent of ballots counted from Tuesday's vote, Netanyahu's camp remained ahead but without a clear majority, leaving uncertainty over Israel's next government.
The first election since Hamas's October 7, 2023 attack comes after years of right-wing and far-right rule marked by the war in Gaza and rising settler violence in the West Bank.
For Netanyahu, fighting for his political survival, several paths remain open: renewing his alliance with the far right, building a broader coalition or facing yet another political deadlock.
Far-right minister Itamar Ben-Gvir has already signaled that, if the current coalition survives, he would seek the defense portfolio and push for the expulsion of Gaza's population.
A Palestinian boy looks at an Israeli outpost on a hill overlooking the village of Umm Safa, northwest of Ramallah in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, on October 27, 2026, following a reported attack by Israeli settlers. (AFP)
- More of the same -
Not everyone has given up hope.
"Whatever happens, it will surely be better than what we've lived through in recent years," said Abdallah Abu Rahma, 54, from Ramallah.
But if Netanyahu remains in office, he added, "any coalition he forms, he will continue down the same path".
A government led by Eisenkot, a former army chief, could rein in the influence of the pro-settlement far right, said researcher Beth Oppenheim of the European Council on Foreign Relations.
It could also ease pressure on the Palestinian Authority and take a more flexible approach on aid and a ceasefire in Gaza.
But she warned against expecting too much.
There would be "nothing transformative", she said, and certainly no major shift on Palestinian statehood or the peace process, issues that have largely disappeared from Israeli political debate since October 7.
A renewed Netanyahu coalition with far-right partners would likely mean more of the same, including settlement expansion and impunity for settler violence, Oppenheim added.
"I think we need to have quite low expectations when it comes to seeing any major changes in policy from a different government," she said.
Israeli right-wing settlers stand at a polling station in the settlement of Adora in the occupied West Bank on October 27, 2026, amid Israel's legislative election. (AFP)
- Fears of escalation -
Even a Netanyahu defeat could leave Palestinians worse off in the short term, argued Yousef Munayyer, head of the Palestine-Israel program at the Arab Center Washington.
"There is every reason for Palestinians to be concerned," he said.
Eisenkot himself served in Israel's wartime cabinet during the Gaza offensive, Munayyer noted.
A fragile alternative coalition under constant attack from Netanyahu and the right could try to prove it was tough enough by taking a harder line on Palestinian issues.
In the West Bank, violence could rise if the far right loses power, with settlers potentially acting out against a new government, he explained.
"It's important to understand that most settler violence in the West Bank is structural. It's not about the government in charge," Munayyer said.
"Settlers live in places that surround the Palestinian population. The Palestinian population is vulnerable to the settlers, who are armed, whereas the Palestinians overwhelmingly are not."
In Gaza, Adnan Al-Assar said he harbored few illusions.
"Netanyahu may win," he said. "But whatever happens, they all follow the same overarching policy, directed against the Palestinian people."
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