Lebanon Intensifies Efforts to Change Amendments to UNIFIL’s Jurisdiction

Vehicles and members of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrol along the border with the northern Israeli town of Metula, in Kafr Kila, southern Lebanon, 12 July 2023. (EPA)
Vehicles and members of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrol along the border with the northern Israeli town of Metula, in Kafr Kila, southern Lebanon, 12 July 2023. (EPA)
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Lebanon Intensifies Efforts to Change Amendments to UNIFIL’s Jurisdiction

Vehicles and members of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrol along the border with the northern Israeli town of Metula, in Kafr Kila, southern Lebanon, 12 July 2023. (EPA)
Vehicles and members of the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL) patrol along the border with the northern Israeli town of Metula, in Kafr Kila, southern Lebanon, 12 July 2023. (EPA)

Lebanon is intensifying its efforts to amend the resolution on the renewal of the term of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) that operates in the South.

In August 2022, the renewal of the mandate of the peacekeeping force included changes that allowed its troops to expand their movement on the ground without prior coordination and cooperation with the Lebanese army.

The amendment was a precedent and sparked controversy in Lebanon, with Hezbollah saying the change turns UNIFIL into an “occupying force”.

Caretaker Foreign Minister Abdallah Bou Habib told Asharq Al-Awsat that efforts are underway to amend the article.

The amended article will be presented to relevant countries next week, he revealed.

The UN Security Council will meet in late August to address the renewal of UNIFIL’s mandate.

A source at the Foreign Ministry told Asharq Al-Awsat that efforts have kicked off to garner international support for Lebanon’s position to amend the article. Bou Habib has met with a number of ambassadors of permanent Security Council members.

“Calm in the area of jurisdiction of UNIFIL in southern Lebanon must be an international demand, as it is for Lebanon, to prevent some accidents that we have seen this past year,” it added.

“It is best for everyone to return to the old equation where the army would accompany UNIFIL on its patrols,” it went on to say.

Bou Habib said the army has 2,000 soldiers deployed in UNIFIL’s area of operation. The UN peacekeepers, however, boast 10,000 troops who carry out 400 patrols a day. The army cannot possibly accompany all these patrols and therefore determines which patrol to join so that UNIFIL carries out its duties securely.

A military source confirmed that the army was unable to join every patrol due to a lack of numbers.

It added that the renewal of the resolution lies in the hands of political and diplomatic circles and the army is not involved in the process.

Relations between UNIFIL and residents in the South have grown strained in recent years. Attacks by civilians have taken place against the UN forces. The UNIFIL command had therefore demanded that the army accompany the peacekeepers on their patrols to ensure their safety.

In January, a member of the Irish contingent was killed in one such attack. Three of his colleagues were injured. A judge charged a detained suspect and four fugitives with premeditated murder in the attack.

CEO of the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis (INEGMA) Riad-Kahwaji told Asharq Al-Awsat that the countries with troops in UNIFIL are not willing to put them at risk and in a confrontation with Hezbollah, which effectively controls the South.

They are aware that the Lebanese government is unable to impose its power and sovereignty throughout Lebanon, so the issue of expanding UNIFIL’s jurisdiction is off the table.

There is consensus to keep the situation as it is as long as the geo-political situation also remains unchanged, he remarked, while citing the secret American-Iranian talks and reports of a new deal between Washington and Tehran.

The potential deal will likely prompt the United States to avoid any tensions with Iran, including in southern Lebanon, so Washington would probably not be opposed to changing the amended article to the way it was before August 2022.



Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
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Netanyahu’s Messages: Beyond Türkiye, Closer to Tel Aviv

Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 
Men inspect the site of an Israeli airstrike on Thursday morning, following the bombing in southern Hama Province (AFP). 

Following a series of intensified Israeli airstrikes on Damascus and the airports in Homs and Hama, as well as a ground incursion into the city of Nawa near Daraa, Israeli officials on Thursday escalated their rhetoric, issuing fresh threats to the Syrian leadership and warning of further military action—this time citing concerns over Turkish military activity in the region.

Israeli Foreign Minister Gideon Saar voiced particular alarm over Türkiye’s growing role in Syria, Lebanon, and beyond. Speaking at a press conference in Paris, he said: “They are doing everything they can to turn Syria into a Turkish protectorate. That is clearly their intention.”

Defense Minister Israel Katz echoed this sentiment, stating that Israel “will not allow Damascus to become a security threat” to Israel.

Rising Concern Over Türkiye’s Military Footprint in Syria

Military officials in Tel Aviv confirm that Israel sees Türkiye’s growing military presence in Syria as a serious concern. Their fear stems from two key issues: first, Ankara’s reported efforts to rebuild the Syrian army along the lines of its own modernized military model; and second, its apparent goal of establishing a long-term military foothold inside Syrian territory.

Israeli defense sources point out that Türkiye’s armed forces operate based on a traditional ground warfare doctrine, featuring large-scale armored divisions and well-equipped infantry units—similar in style to the Russian military. This stands in contrast to the Israeli military, which relies heavily on air superiority and has long underinvested in ground forces.

Given this disparity, any significant Turkish deployment in Syria could pose a direct challenge to Israeli operations and raise the risk of confrontation.

While the recent Israeli airstrikes targeted mostly long-defunct Syrian military sites—many of which have been hit repeatedly over the years—the attacks signal a broader strategic shift.

In the wake of the October 7, 2023, Hamas-led assault on southern Israel, the Israeli military has moved away from a defensive posture of deterrence and containment. In its place, the army has embraced a more aggressive doctrine built around preemptive action.

This shift was further underscored by the appointment of a new chief of staff from the Armored Corps—the first in three decades—signaling a renewed emphasis on ground operations and offensive initiatives.

Not Just a Message to Türkiye

Despite the messaging around Türkiye’s presence, analysts say the recent wave of Israeli military action also serves broader geopolitical aims.

After failing to persuade Washington to pressure Ankara to scale back its involvement in Syria, Israel now appears determined to assert its own red lines militarily. The airstrike on the Scientific Studies and Research Center in Damascus—a facility already destroyed multiple times since 2018—was widely viewed as symbolic.

Israeli officials say the intended audience for that particular strike was Syrian interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, whom Israeli intelligence continues to refer to by his former nom de guerre, Abu Mohammad al-Jolani. By launching the attack during the Eid al-Fitr holiday, Israel aimed to send a clear message: there will be no return to normalcy in Syria without accounting for Israeli interests.

Among those interests is normalization. Last month, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated his desire to see Syria and Lebanon join the Abraham Accords and establish formal diplomatic ties with Israel.

Hardline figures within Netanyahu’s coalition believe Israel currently holds a strategic upper hand. As right-wing think tank head Meir Ben-Shabbat recently wrote: “Israel is in its strongest position ever. It is transforming the Middle East, expanding its military capabilities, and pushing back the Iranian axis—while Syria is at its weakest.”

For many in Israel’s ruling right, this is an ideal moment to push for a peace agreement with Syria, possibly even one involving Israeli withdrawal from the occupied Golan Heights.

The Real Audience: Domestic Israel

Still, perhaps the most significant message behind the military campaign is directed not at Ankara, Damascus, or even Tehran—but at Tel Aviv.

As protests against Netanyahu’s leadership have grown louder in recent months, military escalation has served as a convenient political shield. The wars in Gaza, the West Bank, Syria, and Lebanon dominate public attention and have largely sidelined anti-government demonstrations.

“Netanyahu’s government must go, but we won’t take to the streets while our sons are fighting,” has become a common refrain among many Israelis who oppose his leadership but remain reluctant to protest during wartime.

By maintaining a state of conflict, Netanyahu is not only securing his coalition’s survival but also enabling his allies to advance a hardline agenda—particularly on the Palestinian issue—that would have faced greater resistance in peacetime.

Critics warn that this strategy, while politically expedient, comes at a steep cost to Israel’s democratic institutions, its judiciary, and the long-term stability of the region.