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Jordan Warns Blinken against Displacement of Palestinians

Jordanian King Abdullah II receives US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Friday in Amman. (Petra – dpa)
Jordanian King Abdullah II receives US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Friday in Amman. (Petra – dpa)
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Jordan Warns Blinken against Displacement of Palestinians

Jordanian King Abdullah II receives US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Friday in Amman. (Petra – dpa)
Jordanian King Abdullah II receives US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Friday in Amman. (Petra – dpa)

Jordanian King Abdullah II warned Friday in a meeting with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken against Israeli attempts to displace Palestinians.

“The crisis (between Hamas and Israel in Gaza) should not spread to neighboring countries and exacerbate the refugee issue,” King Abdullah told Blinken, according to a palace statement.

In the talks with Blinken, the Jordanian king called for “opening humanitarian corridors to allow for the entry of urgent medical and relief aid to Gaza and protecting civilians and stopping the escalation and war on Gaza,” the statement said.

He also cautioned against adopting a policy of collective punishment towards the inhabitants of the Gaza Strip, affirming the necessity of protecting innocent civilians from both sides, in line with common humanitarian values, international law, and international humanitarian law.

The King highlighted the importance of allowing international organizations to carry out their humanitarian duties in Gaza without hindrance.

He reiterated the importance of building a political horizon to ensure opportunities for achieving a just and comprehensive peace based on the two-state solution and preventing further cycles of violence and wars in the region.

Moreover, the King emphasized the significance of preserving the existing historical and legal status of Islamic and Christian sanctities in Jerusalem and pointed to the continued protection and care of these sanctities under Hashemite custodianship.

In the same context, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi on Friday met with Blinken and discussed efforts to de-escalate and end the war in Gaza.

Safadi stressed the need to address the humanitarian repercussions and the danger of its continuation and expansion across the region.

Safadi urged the immediate delivery of humanitarian aid to Gaza and ending the escalating humanitarian crisis in the Strip. He emphasized that protecting civilians on both sides and condemning their targeting and killing is a collective legal, moral, and humanitarian responsibility.

The Jordanian warnings expressed by the King follow concerns expressed by official sources to Asharq Al-Awsat of a possible deterioration in the West Bank.

These sources stressed the urgency of refraining from the expansion of the Israeli aggression on Palestinians and sparing the innocents more killing.

Jordan is aware of the American and Western support to Israel that falls under “the right of self-defense” following the Al-Aqsa Storm operation that was launched by “Hamas”. This pushed Amman to gradually level up its rhetoric against the Israeli far-right policies that are making use of international support to Tel Aviv in order to achieve their ambitions.

In the meantime, hundreds of protesters rallied in the Jordanian capital amid high security presence. Jordanian police forcibly dispersed dozens of protesters who tried to reach a border zone.

The Public Security Directorate (PSD) called on Jordanians to adhere to the instructions on assembly sites and not to attempt to bypass them, stressing the implementation of the law and preventing anyone from trespassing or bypassing them.

The statement noted that a few tried to come into contact with the security men, urging them to adhere to the places of assembly and protest that have been designated for them to stand and deliver their message and exercise their right to do so without any violation of the law and instructions issued in this regard.

Amman is imposing a security cordon in the vicinity of the Israeli Embassy in to prevent the protesters from reaching it.

It further fears that the Islamic Action Front (IAF), the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood that is unlicensed in the country, would exploit the people’s anger.

The Ministry of Interior confirmed on Thursday that, out of its concern for the safety of citizens and to ensure the legitimate right to express their national feelings about what is happening in Palestinian territories, calls for gatherings and demonstrations in the Jordan Valley and border areas are not allowed.

The security agencies will take all necessary measures to prevent this, according to the ministry.

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Yarmouk Camp: Gaza-like Destruction, Uncertainty Amid Temporary Decisions

The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Yarmouk Camp: Gaza-like Destruction, Uncertainty Amid Temporary Decisions

The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)
The destruction within Syria’s Yarmouk camp mirrors the scenes of war in Gaza (Asharq Al-Awsat)

This is not Gaza. It is the Yarmouk camp in Syria.
Simply reading the sign repeatedly at the entrance of the Palestinian camp near Damascus is not enough to cement this truth in the visitor’s mind.
One must constantly remind themselves, with every step and glance, that this is not Gaza, but the Yarmouk camp, just 18 kilometers from Umayyad Square. The camp faced systematic destruction and a long siege, leading to the deaths of over 150 residents, mostly children, from hunger and thirst.
The few families who returned after the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime or in recent years are barely visible among the vast destruction, which stretches beyond what the eye or camera can capture.
A passerby emerging from the rubble or children returning from their makeshift classes at the nearby UNRWA school might seem like a scene from a film.
But this is the daily reality for the survivors.
“There are no services in the camp,” locals told Asharq Al-Awsat.
“No electricity, running water, internet, or basic healthcare—just ruined buildings, endless destruction, and dust.”
The memory of the starvation siege still lingers in Yarmouk.
A young man who survived the 2018 siege spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat on the condition of anonymity.
“I remember the first piece of bread I ate after days of hunger. The taste never leaves me. After nearly a week without food or water, I remembered seeing a bag of bread in our neighbors' fridge,” he recalled.
“I mustered the strength to go and found the fridge, burned by airstrikes, still attached to the bread. Only the ends of the loaves had survived, though they were moldy... I ate it like a feast.”
The young man then showed old photos of himself, looking pale and thin, almost like a different person. Like him, many men, including heads of households, feared death or arrest if they went to food distribution points. These supplies, trickling in from local factions and the UN, came with great risk. Many "humanitarian corridors" became traps for men and young people.
Since 2011, the camp has endured military targeting, airstrikes, and intense battles. But in 2018, Yarmouk faced one of its darkest moments. After the 2011 uprising, many Palestinians supported it, including activists and Hamas members.
In response, Ahmed Jibril’s Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine–General Command, along with other pro-Assad factions, launched a violent attack on the camp and Free Syrian Army groups.
Barrel bombs fell on Yarmouk and nearby areas like Al-Hajar Al-Aswad, Al-Tadamon, and Yalda. The situation worsened with the presence of a ISIS stronghold in the southern part of the camp, connecting to those areas.
Founded in 1957, Yarmouk camp, covering around 2.5 kilometers, was once a bustling commercial center, home to nearly 1.5 million people, including Syrians, Palestinians, and some Iraqis. Today, fewer than 8,000 people remain, according to UNRWA estimates.
While many compare Yarmouk’s current situation to Gaza, the issue extends beyond the camp. It is one of 15 Palestinian camps in Syria, with over eight suffering severe destruction, all needing rebuilding and support like Yarmouk, as well as other damaged Syrian neighborhoods and areas around Damascus.
Residents face total neglect, uncertain about their future, the fate of missing family members, and the condition of their homes. Their biggest complaint is a sense of being abandoned, with no social, service, or political support.
They feel like orphans of the former regime, armed groups, and the revolution all at once.
Even the Palestinian factions that once controlled the camp now live in Damascus's middle-class and upscale neighborhoods, with some having moved to Beirut.
For years, civilians were trapped between ISIS, other factions, and the regime. Sources confirm that ISIS in Damascus was founded by a former prisoner from Yalda, released by the regime after the 2011 protests.
He was joined by an Iraqi officer living in Yarmouk, both of whom defected from Al-Nusra Front.
For nearly two years, ISIS expanded into nearby areas like Al-Hajar Al-Aswad, Al-Tadamon, and the southern part of Yarmouk, forming a large network of smaller extremist groups that fought and defeated the Free Syrian Army at the time.
During this period, ISIS militants were treated at the government-run Al-Mahini Hospital, later becoming the first armed group to negotiate with the former regime in southern Damascus. They left in organized convoys of buses to the desert of Sweida after surrendering military checkpoints, while Yarmouk residents remained fully besieged.
Asharq Al-Awsat passed the site of the “Ali Al-Wahsh” checkpoint, where a massacre killed 1,200 Yarmouk civilians (according to documented figures).
The worst part of this massacre was not just the number of victims, but the deception used to lure residents with promises of a safe passage for aid after the siege. Once there, men were executed, and women and children were forcibly displaced. Many residents, fearing for their lives, chose to stay hungry rather than risk going for help.
Diaa Suleiman, who lived through that time as a teenager and is now a father of three, said: “After all we went through, we’ve been betrayed. We are completely abandoned. No one looks at us, not even those who caused this. We need protection. We need answers... We need to know where we stand.”
An unofficial meeting, details of which were leaked, took place between Yarmouk faction leaders and representatives of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. The agreement was that Palestinian fighters would hand over their weapons to the new regime in Syria, following a broader call for all factions to do the same.
While Palestinian weapons in Yarmouk were never used against Israel but instead in internal conflicts to support Assad’s regime, their removal now seems like the least difficult demand.
The value of these weapons has completely disappeared, especially since Yarmouk is now empty and destroyed. Restoring any authority there will require rebuilding both the infrastructure and the people.
“The major challenge ahead is how to define the legal and civil status of Palestinians and protect them through the law,” Ayman Abu Hashem, general coordinator of the Palestinian-Syrian Assembly (Maseer), told Asharq Al-Awsat.
Unlike most Palestinian refugee communities, Syrian law grants Palestinians the right to work, own property, and enjoy all civil rights, except voting. However, it excludes those who arrived after the 1967 war or from Jordan after 1970, and those constitute a significant number.
While most Palestinians in Syria see themselves as also Syrian, Hashem said their main demand is to gain Syrian citizenship while keeping their Palestinian identity.
“We don’t want to be seen as giving up the right of return or our connection to Palestine. But we and our children deserve Syrian citizenship, like anyone born and raised in a country, becoming a dual citizen,” explained Hashem.