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5 Terrorists Escape from Tunisia Prison

The Tunisian Ministry of Interior released a photo of the escaped prisoners on its official website.
The Tunisian Ministry of Interior released a photo of the escaped prisoners on its official website.
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5 Terrorists Escape from Tunisia Prison

The Tunisian Ministry of Interior released a photo of the escaped prisoners on its official website.
The Tunisian Ministry of Interior released a photo of the escaped prisoners on its official website.

Five dangerous prisoners escaped from Tunisia's Mornaguia jail on Tuesday, according to an official statement.

The Interior Ministry released the photos and names of the inmates, calling on citizens to provide any information they have to prevent "terrorist acts."

Judicial sources confirmed to Asharq Al-Awsat that the escapees are among the most dangerous detainees held in recent years for their involvement in terrorist cases.

They were convicted in cases linked to figures affiliated with the Ansar al-Sharia terrorist organization, al-Qaeda, and armed terrorist organizations in the Maghreb, Sahel, and Saharan African countries.

The prisoners were serving sentences ranging between life and hard labor. They were found guilty in the assassination of leftist politicians Chokri Belaid and Mohamed Brahmi in 2013.

Lawyers and journalists, who previously visited Mornaguia prison, told Asharq Al-Awsat that they were surprised by the escape, given its maximum-security measures, including placing every dangerous prisoner in a solitary cell.

Rumors claimed that the prisoners had sawed off the iron grilles of the cells. The authorities have not yet confirmed nor denied the claims.

However, Tunisian lawyers, human rights activists, and media professionals confirmed to Asharq Al-Awsat that a prisoner on the loose would need to get past at least seven doors before reaching the outer gate.

They noted that the whole prison is monitored by advanced systems and is located several kilometers away from residential areas.

Journalist Sarhane Chikhaoui, who previously visited the facility for work, revealed that it is difficult for anyone who escapes the prison to reach any location before being detected by the security cameras or guards.

Former presidential media and academic advisor Tarek Kahlaoui believes the investigations “could reveal a conspiracy against Tunisia's security in response to President Kais Saied's principled positions on the Palestinian cause and the current war in the Gaza Strip.”

Mornaguia Prison, located 20 kilometers west of Tunis, is the country's largest prison. It was constructed under the rule of former President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, according to international specifications, and with international financial and technological support.

The prison holds thousands of detainees and prisoners involved in public rights crimes and accused of conspiring against state security. Among the detainees are military and security personnel and leading figures from several leftist, liberal, and Islamic parties, including head of the Ennahda party Rached al-Ghannouchi, Issam Chebbi, Reda Belhaj, and Ghazi Chaouachi.

However, the majority of the prisoners are awaiting their appeals or retrial.

Six months ago, Borj Erroumi prison also witnessed an attempted escape of several dangerous criminals who planned to dig a tunnel under the jail. The guards uncovered the plot, according to the press, in late April and early May last year.

Dozens of prisoners escaped from the same prison in the last hours of Ben Ali's rule in January 2011, taking advantage of the security and administrative chaos. The guards were unable to control the situation after several prisoners set fires in several areas in the facility.

The recent escape is "very rare," according to a report by the Ministry of the Interior, which pledged to follow up the file.

Tunisian prisons have been under the supervision of the Ministry of Justice for ten years.

The Ministry has not yet issued any official clarification about the latest escape.

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Kurdish Silence over Negotiations Paves Way for Conflict in Syria

Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).
Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).
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Kurdish Silence over Negotiations Paves Way for Conflict in Syria

Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).
Kurds wave the flags of the SDF and the new Syrian regime during a celebration in the city of Qamishli in northeastern Syria (AFP).

The Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) are facing limited options as they grapple with increasing pressure from Türkiye and Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) to disarm and transition into a political entity.
At the same time, the SDF is dealing with tensions involving rival Kurdish factions, raising fears of a potential escalation into armed conflict. Clashes are already threatening a fragile ceasefire in northeastern Syria.
Since the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime, the balance of power in Syria has shifted significantly. Today, the SDF is facing an existential threat, despite US efforts to buy time and mediate agreements between the SDF and other actors in Syria.
Interviews conducted by Asharq Al-Awsat reveal that the SDF has so far failed to establish a negotiation channel with HTS or its leader, Ahmad al-Sharaa, who now heads the transitional government in Damascus.
Recently, SDF envoys were sent to Damascus in an attempt to hold meetings with members of the transitional government, but they were unsuccessful. These efforts have led the SDF to the conclusion that HTS has become the “de facto authority” in Syria.
A source involved in the transitional process told Asharq Al-Awsat that communication between the SDF and HTS was abruptly halted following the visit of Ibrahim Kalin, Türkiye’s intelligence chief, to Damascus on December 12, 2024. Before this, the contact between the two parties was reportedly exploratory in nature.
Sources close to the SDF believe that Ankara pressured the transitional government in Damascus to avoid engaging with the Kurdish faction, likely anticipating a policy shift when Donald Trump assumes the US presidency in January 2025. Türkiye appears determined to block the Biden administration’s attempts to normalize the SDF’s status, assuming that Trump will prioritize regional players—particularly Türkiye—in Syria.
A member of the Syrian transitional government confirmed to Asharq Al-Awsat that a short-term ceasefire was recently agreed upon between the SDF and other conflicting parties in areas such as Manbij, Kobani, and others. However, he warned that the situation remains precarious, with fears that fighting could erupt at any moment. He added that HTS is seeking to disarm the SDF peacefully, noting that HTS itself is expected to lay down its weapons within the next two months as part of ongoing arrangements to form a unified Syrian army. The source emphasized that the SDF must follow suit.
Syrian activists warn that the issue of disarmament is likely to become a major flashpoint in Syria, not only with the SDF but also with other factions reluctant to surrender their weapons to either HTS or the still-forming Syrian state.
Clashes of varying intensity have already been reported in areas of contact between the SDF and the Turkish-backed National Army. Field sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that skirmishes have occurred in Manbij, near the Tishrin Dam, in Tall Tamr, and at various points along the M4 highway.
Ankara has increased its pressure on the SDF to disarm. On December 19, the Turkish Ministry of Defense reiterated its commitment to “taking measures to force terrorist organizations to lay down their weapons.”
Members of the SDF fear that the current escalation, coupled with the absence of political dialogue with the new Damascus government, could lead to major clashes, particularly in Kobani. Kurdish sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the SDF is willing to make concessions to Türkiye, such as maintaining only its internal security forces, known as Asayish, in Kobani.
In northeastern Syria, two key international players are actively involved: France and the United States. France is working to unify Kurdish factions under a proposed framework, while the US is focused on extending the fragile ceasefire until a regional agreement can determine the SDF’s role in the new political order.
An earlier US-brokered agreement allowed the SDF to retain positions east of the Euphrates while ceding areas west of the river to Arab tribes. However, reports suggest that the SDF has withdrawn from some areas due to pressure from Arab tribes.
French delegations have visited SDF-controlled areas to encourage Kurdish factions to draft a unified agreement. On December 18, representatives from the SDF, the Kurdish National Council (KNC), and self-described “independent” Kurdish groups met to negotiate. However, according to sources in Hasakah, Qamishli, and Erbil (in Iraqi Kurdistan), the meeting failed to yield an initial agreement.
Kurdish activists have proposed three key measures for aligning the SDF with the new phase in Syria: renaming the SDF as a military force under the new Ministry of Defense, severing ties with Qandil (northern Iraq) and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), and repatriating non-Syrian Kurdish fighters to their home countries.
However, the SDF reportedly opposes these conditions, preferring to negotiate directly with Türkiye or HTS rather than make concessions to other Kurdish factions within Syria. This stance could lead to internal conflicts over which group will represent Kurdish interests in the evolving Syrian political landscape.
When asked by Asharq Al-Awsat about potential dialogues with the KNC or their proposals, SDF spokesperson Farhad Shami declined to comment.
Members of the factions now in power in Damascus suggest that the SDF’s challenges extend beyond disarmament. One issue is its prior alignment with the ousted Assad regime, which undermines its position in the transitional phase.
A senior Kurdish official in Iraq, speaking anonymously, noted that the SDF’s options have significantly diminished following the withdrawal of Shiite factions and the defection of Arab allies from its ranks. These developments have reduced the SDF’s territorial control.
The official argued that while the SDF continues to rely on US support, Türkiye has become the dominant player in the Syrian arena. Many Kurds fear that escalating tensions in northeastern Syria could result in infighting among Kurdish groups, particularly as they struggle to find a unified approach.
Although Ankara appears poised to make further moves into Kurdish areas, such actions would likely provoke a direct challenge to US interests in the region.