Lenderking Blames Houthis and Iran for Red Sea ‘Militarization’

In an interview with Asharq Al-Awsat, the US envoy to Yemen calls for an “immediate end” to “terrorism” against ships

US Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
US Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
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Lenderking Blames Houthis and Iran for Red Sea ‘Militarization’

US Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking. (Asharq Al-Awsat)
US Special Envoy for Yemen Tim Lenderking. (Asharq Al-Awsat)

Both Iran and the Houthis should be blamed for the “militarization of the Red Sea,” said Tim Lenderking, the US special envoy to Yemen, stressing that the military action undertaken by the United States and its allies is "against the Houthi military capability.” Lenderking said the Houthis are acting "like a global terrorist organization,” calling on them to “stop their attacks immediately.”

Lenderking was talking in an exclusive interview with Asharq Al-Awsat on the eve of his new tour in the region, said the situation in Red Sea “has become unbearable.” However, he left the door open to different measures, adding: “When their attacks stop, we can stop too.” He believed that this Houthi behavior “contradicts support for the Palestinians.” Pointing out that their behavior is endangering the “tremendous progress” achieved in the “peace process” led by the United Nations.

Lenderking stressed that “Iran poses a major threat,” describing supplying the Houthis with money and weapons to attack ships as “very convenient for Iran’s agenda,” which is acting to “destabilize,” and not “the behavior of a member of the international community.”  

- First. Now with this attack on the US Post in Jordan, it's not within your scope, but apparently, Iran is behind those attacks in Jordan, Syria, Iraq and Yemen. This is your area, and there is the huge problem in the Red Sea. How is the US going to deal with this issue?  

You’re absolutely right to point out the central role that Iran plays in destabilizing activity all over the region. This is nothing new. This is a feature of Iran's regional behavior since 1979. Instead of seeking constructive diplomatic solutions to the conflicts plaguing the region, Tehran has instead, time and time again, sought to destabilize it. If Iran were truly interested in peace in the region, they would cease their arming and financing of the Houthis and other destabilizing groups.  Instead, we only see that support continuing, as evidenced by the recent interdiction of a shipment of weapons from Iran to Yemen.  

This attack last week is just another example. This one is particularly egregious because it killed three US service members. What we see on the Yemen front is the Iranians playing a very active role in facilitating and assisting the Houthi attacks on ships in the Red Sea. This is a very unfortunate posture for the Iranians and the Houthis to take. What has this this led to? The militarization of the Red Sea. Something no country, including Iran, supposedly wanted up to this point. There are now more warships and more other ships protecting international commerce than there were before.  

The Houthis are driving up prices through attacks on international shipping. That means an increase in the prices of wheat and other goods getting to the Palestinian people or to other parts of Africa, Europe, and Asia. It's driving up fuel prices. It's adding on 5,000 miles, as shippers say they don't want anything to do with the Red Sea. They are having to go around the southern tip of Africa. How many tons of food are going to be spoiled by this additional long traverse? And how much higher will food prices go? This is hitting ordinary consumers. It's not just hitting the Israelis. It's not just hitting the Americans. It's hitting ordinary consumers around the world in every country, including Yemen, and the Palestinians as well.  

So, I would argue that the Houthi attacks must stop because they are inflicting damage on the global community and on Yemen. And that's why we think that the Houthi attacks are misguided. They're reckless. They’re indiscriminate, and that's why they should stop.  

- They say they are outraged by the Israeli attacks on the Palestinian civilians as you’ve just mentioned, and if the US pressure Israel, then everything will stop, not only within the Red Sea context, but also in the wider context. Iran is using this argument all the time. Again, they have the same the Axis of Resistance. They have the same argument, why doesn't the US listen to this?  

What the Houthis are doing is an example of someone having a problem with their neighbor and burning down the neighborhood grocery store. They're harming their neighbors and themselves and not actually addressing the core issue. This is why 24 countries signed a statement last week supporting military action to deter and degrade Houthi attacks. And this military action is not against Yemen, or against Yemenis. It is against the Houthi military capability which they are using to attack civilian shipping.  

So, we've been very clear about what the scope of these military strikes is. Similarly, the Houthis are behaving like a terrorist organization; attacking civilians, attacking civilian shipping, attacking innocent mariners, detaining them, threatening to hijack ships, not releasing the crew of the Galaxy Leader, 25 people from five different countries.  

We now have announced a designation of the Houthis as a specially designated global terrorist group, which will go into effect on February 16. This is the kind of response that the Houthis are generating. They're alienating the world community, and doing nothing to help the Palestinians, and putting the peace process in Yemen - which parties have painstakingly negotiated over the last two years, including the Houthis - in jeopardy. The Houthi behavior is misguided, and they should stop their attacks on shipping immediately.  

- And at the same time, what's going on probably, as you’ve just mentioned also, that this is affecting the peace process within the Yemeni parties, and then probably your support is also getting compromised. Is that the case?  

Our support for the peace process remains unshakable. I don't think that the peace effort in Yemen would be as far along had it not been for US support, and the commitment of this administration, and the priority that the President places on peace in Yemen through a Yemeni - Yemeni political negotiation and a durable ceasefire. Those remain US goals, and this is very much what we want to return to.  

But unfortunately, much of the progress that has been made over the last two years, which has created a truce in Yemen, which is still holding, is being jeopardized by the militarization of the Red Sea, which is caused by the Houthi attacks, and the threats that they are posing to shipping and to the civilian population. Absent political settlement, the humanitarian and economic crises will continue to get worse.   

The designation is a direct response to Houthi attacks on shipping. If there are no Houthi attacks on shipping, there is no need to designate them as a terrorist organization. If there are no Houthi attacks on shipping, there is no need for a growing coalition of countries to strike and degrade their military capability to protect international shipping.

- You’re talking about Operation Prosperity Guardian…  

Prosperity Guardian is another action that the Houthi attacks have generated – a large international response, defensive in nature, solely to protect crews and international ships which the Houthis are attacking in a reckless and indiscriminate manner. They say that they are only attacking Israeli ships, but that is simply not the case. They have attacked international ships with owners and crew of all different nationalities. Even hijacking and detaining a crew from Mexico, Ukraine, the Philippines and Bulgaria. That's the behavior of pirates. That's not the behavior of a group that seeks international support for a Yemen peace effort. That's the behavior of pirates.   

- Are you going to take additional measures if they continue their attacks against the international shipments?  

We have been very clear that we seek de-escalation in the Red Sea, but the Houthi attacks cannot continue. We are evaluating every day the situation in the Red Sea and elsewhere in the region, and what aggressive and militaristic steps the Iranians or the Houthis might be taking. But it is our fervent hope, and we're working every day on this, to de-escalate all of these conflicts.  

You've seen that American officials are working with Qatar and other countries for the release of the remaining hostages and a prolonged humanitarian pause to the fighting. We have made a strong push for more humanitarian assistance to Gaza, to address the tragic situation there. And we were very patient with the attacks on shipping until the situation became intolerable, and were forced to take action because of Houthi behavior. When their attacks stop, we can stop also.

- You don't want escalation. But nonetheless, the situation is just dragging the US into this, probably.

I fear that other parties may be wishing to escalate. And the Houthis by attacking a huge variety of ships, that was an escalation. Attacking Israel, and trying to hit the civilian populations, was an escalation. Again, these things do not help the Palestinians. They’re not bringing a single morsel of assistance or food to the Palestinian people, because of their actions. Nor are the Houthi attacks helping Yemen, which has one of the world’s largest humanitarian and economic disasters.  

They should stop. And we can return the focus to the Yemen peace effort, and put more effort towards supporting the Palestinians and their legitimate aspirations for a two-state solution, which Houthi behavior frankly is complicating and undermining.  

There isn't a single country in the Gulf that supports what the Houthis are doing; attacking international shipping, masquerading under the banner of support for the Palestinians, because the reality is that this behavior is contrary to supporting the Palestinians.

- Could you please elaborate more what you've been doing with the Saudis and the other countries in the region?  

We're working very closely with the Saudis, other regional actors and the Yemeni parties, on the Yemen peace effort. That's been the case since the start of this administration, reflecting the priority that the President placed on ending the Yemen conflict. We have appreciated Saudi Arabia's engagement mediating between the Houthis and the Yemen government, and helping contribute a roadmap for peace in Yemen, which the Houthi and the Yemen government and regional countries support.  

So ironically, while the world is focused on the Houthis’ reckless attacks on global shipping, tremendous progress was made in the past month on the peace process– captured in an announcement by the UN on December 23 last year – that an agreement has been reached. This is the best opportunity that Yemen has had for its peace process in nine years.  

Why are the Houthis jeopardizing peace by behaving like an armed militia group and a terrorist organization in attacking civilian shipping? Why are they driving away the attention from the Yemen peace effort, attention Yemeni peace needs and deserves? They are choosing to sabotage all the good work that so many parties have put into creating a dream that the Yemen conflict could finally be over – why are the Houthis – trying to throw that all away? Instead of prioritizing the Yemeni people?

- What are the immediate obstacles facing this political track led by the UN?

I think the obstacles are the recklessness of the Houthi behavior. Prior to their attacks, both the Yemen government and the Houthis had approved this roadmap that the UN now is able to try to operationalize. And again, this is the most tangible progress that’s been made in the Yemen conflict in 9 years. And that’s been put in jeopardy by the indiscriminate nature of the Houthi attacks on the Red Sea shipping. What international country would support a peace effort in Yemen when one of the parties - the Houthis - is attacking the global economy?  It is not the behavior of the Yemen government or any other party in Yemen that’s threatening the Yemen peace effort. It is the Houthis.  

- Iran is in the picture no matter how we speak negatively about the situation. So, this is a dilemma: how you're going to deal with it?  

Iran is a major threat, and in our conversations every day we talk about how to respond to the Iranian threat, especially in light of the killing of three service members in Jordan. Look at what we see Iran doing. We know that Iran is supporting, aiding and facilitating Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping. This is very convenient for Iran's regional agenda. It's not convenient for the Yemeni people, however. It's not convenient for other Arab countries.  

Look at the contents of a small ship that were seized about two weeks ago by US forces enforcing UN Security Council resolutions on not smuggling, to aid the Houthis or fan the conflict in Yemen. That particular ship was filled with lethal equipment heading toward the Houthis to be used for their attacks on Red Sea shipping. So, this is the behavior of those seeking to destabilize. This is not the behavior of members of the international community. So, we need everybody to dial it back, de-escalate, and return to the legitimate and genuine peace effort in Yemen that is now threatened by Houthi attacks.

We are talking to our partners multiple times a day. We have numerous engagements that we are planning to ensure that there is the speediest possible resolution in the Red Sea, which enables a return to the Yemen peace process. All of my efforts are focused on this particular line of effort.



Egypt’s Greece, Cyprus Partnerships Do Not Hinder Ties With Türkiye

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi stands between Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi stands between Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis (Egyptian Presidency)
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Egypt’s Greece, Cyprus Partnerships Do Not Hinder Ties With Türkiye

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi stands between Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis (Egyptian Presidency)
Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi stands between Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis (Egyptian Presidency)

Growing cooperation between Cairo and Ankara, which has expanded into defense and military coordination, is raising questions about its impact on the strategic partnership linking Egypt with Greece and Cyprus since 2014.

The development comes as Türkiye’s relations with Athens and Nicosia remain constrained by long-standing disputes over maritime boundary demarcation and energy issues in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Egyptian experts who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat acknowledged that balancing Cairo’s regional relationships was no easy task. They stressed, however, that the Egyptian-Turkish rapprochement was not directed against Cyprus or Greece and could also serve their interests.

They said Egypt could play a role in bringing the sides closer together, given its determination to maintain balanced relations with all three countries.

Established partnership

Egypt, Greece and Cyprus have maintained a strategic partnership since the first presidential-level meeting of their trilateral cooperation mechanism in 2014.

At the time, relations between Cairo and Ankara were deeply strained following the fall of Muslim Brotherhood rule after the June 30 uprising. Some analyses suggested that Egypt had turned to partnerships with Cyprus and Greece to balance Türkiye.

Egypt, Cyprus and Greece launched a summit-level trilateral cooperation mechanism, holding its first meeting in Cairo in November 2014.

The three countries have since taken turns hosting their meetings annually, with the 10th round held in Cairo in January 2025.

Earlier this year, Cairo hosted political consultations among the foreign ministers of Egypt, Greece and Cyprus.

Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty highlighted “the special nature of the relations linking Cairo with Athens and Nicosia, which contributed to a convergence of views on establishing the trilateral summit mechanism.”

He described the mechanism as “a model for cooperation and regional integration.”

The latest step in the growing relationship between Egypt and Türkiye was the signing of a letter of intent on defense cooperation during Egyptian Defense Minister Ashraf Salem Zaher's visit to Ankara last Sunday.

It was the first visit of its kind since President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi traveled to Ankara on May 8, 2013, when he was serving as defense minister.

Greek caution

Greek newspaper eKathimerini examined the growing Egyptian-Turkish rapprochement in a report published on July 15.

It said that while the rapprochement did not directly threaten Greek interests so far, it was increasing concerns amid broader regional geopolitical shifts.

Rakha Ahmed Hassan, a member of the Egyptian Council for Foreign Affairs and a former ambassador, said Egypt stressed on all occasions and in its meetings with Türkiye, Greece and Cyprus that there was no way to resolve their disputes except through dialogue and negotiation.

“Egypt seeks to maintain a balance in its relations with the three countries,” Hassan told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“Egypt’s task in achieving this balance is not easy because of the difficulty of the situation itself,” he said.

“Türkiye does not recognize the international law of the high seas concerning the division of maritime boundaries and the economic maritime zone in the Eastern Mediterranean, while Greece and Cyprus insist on its application. Egypt is also a signatory to this 1982 law.”

The main disputes between Türkiye, on one side, and Greece and Cyprus, on the other, center on complex geopolitical and economic issues.

Chief among them is the Cyprus conflict, the oldest of these disputes. It dates back to 1974, when Turkish forces intervened in the northern part of the island following a coup backed by the military council then ruling Greece.

Ankara says its intervention was intended to protect Turkish Cypriots, while Cyprus and Greece consider it an occupation of the northern part of the island.

The disputes also include disagreements over maritime boundary demarcation, airspace, the continental shelf and exclusive economic zones in the Aegean Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean.

These disputes intensified with natural gas discoveries and competition over the exploitation of energy resources in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Egypt as a bridge

Bashir Abdel Fattah, an Egyptian academic and international relations researcher, said Egypt had begun paying greater attention to the Mediterranean dimension of its foreign relations a decade or more ago, focusing on Cyprus and Greece.

“Egypt demarcated its maritime borders with them and entered into security arrangements, regular military exercises and high-level security and strategic coordination,” Abdel Fattah told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“The two countries also play an important role in strengthening Egypt’s relations with the European Union. At the same time, Egypt restored momentum to its relationship with Türkiye after a period of political disagreements.”

Abdel Fattah said there was no contradiction between Egypt’s rapprochement with Türkiye and its close relations with Greece and Cyprus.

“Cairo is keen to diversify its relationships, and this is its sovereign right,” he said.

“Contrary to any concerns, Egypt could serve as a bridge for rapprochement between Türkiye, Greece and Cyprus and help resolve disputes over maritime boundary demarcation and the sharing of Eastern Mediterranean resources.”

Relations between Egypt and Türkiye have grown rapidly since 2023, as ties between the two countries returned to normal and Sisi and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan exchanged visits.

This was reflected in military cooperation, particularly in training and cooperation in the defense industries.

Amr el-Shobaki, an adviser at the Al-Ahram Center for Political and Strategic Studies, said the Egyptian-Turkish rapprochement, particularly in the military field, could understandably concern Israel.

“But it will never be directed against Greece and Cyprus,” Shobaki said.

“On the contrary, through this rapprochement with Türkiye, Egypt could play a major role in easing tensions between Türkiye, Greece and Cyprus because of its strong and distinguished relations with all three countries.”

Shobaki told Asharq Al-Awsat that it was natural for Greece and Cyprus to monitor developments in the rapprochement between Egypt and Türkiye, given the sensitivity of their position toward Türkiye.

“But they undoubtedly have strong confidence in Egypt because of the strength of their relations with it,” he said.


Komala: A Frequent Target of Iranian Attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan

A drone is intercepted in the sky over Erbil, Iraq, July 15, 2026, in this screengrab obtained from a social media video. (Dlawer/X/via Reuters)
A drone is intercepted in the sky over Erbil, Iraq, July 15, 2026, in this screengrab obtained from a social media video. (Dlawer/X/via Reuters)
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Komala: A Frequent Target of Iranian Attacks in Iraqi Kurdistan

A drone is intercepted in the sky over Erbil, Iraq, July 15, 2026, in this screengrab obtained from a social media video. (Dlawer/X/via Reuters)
A drone is intercepted in the sky over Erbil, Iraq, July 15, 2026, in this screengrab obtained from a social media video. (Dlawer/X/via Reuters)

At least nine people were killed and others wounded on Friday in a missile and drone attack suspected of having been carried out by Iran against an Iranian Kurdish opposition group in the Iraqi Kurdistan Region, a group official said.

The attack targeted positions belonging to the Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan in the Zargwezela area near Sulaymaniyah, the official said, requesting anonymity for security reasons.

The group said Iran was behind the strike, the official added. Tehran did not immediately claim responsibility.

Iran has previously attacked Iranian Kurdish opposition groups based in the Kurdistan Region.

Abdullah Azarbar, a member of the Politburo of the Komala Party, said the attack began at around 6 a.m. and involved eight large bunker-busting missiles.

Nine members of the group’s Peshmerga forces were killed and three others seriously wounded, he added. Three missiles struck the headquarters where the casualties occurred.

A security source had earlier said a party headquarters in the Surdas subdistrict of Sulaymaniyah province had been hit by missiles. Authorities opened an investigation to determine the circumstances of the attack and identify those responsible, the source said.

The Kurdistan Region Security Agency said seven missiles struck three areas in Sulaymaniyah province early on Friday.

Four landed in Zargwezela, one in Qasardi village and two near Tal Kobani in the Qaradagh area, the agency said. Its teams were still assessing casualties and material damage.

The Kurdistan Region Counter-Terrorism Service had earlier said coalition forces intercepted and destroyed eight explosive-laden drones over Erbil early on Friday. No casualties were reported.

Residents of Sulaymaniyah and Halabja provinces said they heard loud explosions in the early hours of the morning.

The Kurdistan Region Presidency condemned the missile and drone attacks on Sulaymaniyah and Erbil provinces, calling them a “dangerous development and a flagrant violation” of Iraqi sovereignty.

It warned that continued attacks could threaten Iraq’s stability and undermine efforts to strengthen security and peace in the region.

Komala repeatedly targeted

The Komala Party of Iranian Kurdistan is one of Iran’s oldest opposition groups. Founded in the late 1960s as a leftist Kurdish movement, it rose to prominence during the unrest that followed Iran’s 1979 revolution.

The group later entered into armed conflict with the new authorities over Kurdish autonomy and political freedoms.

After years of fighting inside Iran, Komala moved much of its operations and many of its bases to Iraq’s Kurdistan Region, where it established political and military headquarters and camps.

It has since faced repeated Iranian attacks, particularly by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards, which accuses Iranian Kurdish opposition parties of seeking to destabilize the country.

Komala combines political opposition to Tehran with advocacy for Kurdish rights in Iran. Tehran says such groups pose a security threat.

The 2022 “Woman, Life, Freedom” protests renewed attention on Iranian Kurdish opposition parties, although most remained based outside Iran.

Since the war between Iran and the United States began in February, no independent tally has established a final figure for the number of attacks on Komala bases.

Available reports, however, indicate that Iranian Kurdish opposition headquarters in Iraq’s Kurdistan Region were hit by a wave of missile and drone strikes during the conflict.

According to statements by the party and its allies, sites belonging to Iranian Kurdish opposition groups were repeatedly attacked, including bases linked to Komala and other parties in Erbil and Sulaymaniyah provinces.

The Coalition of Political Forces of Iranian Kurdistan also said missile strikes had targeted Peshmerga positions.

Human rights reports and Kurdish sources said bases belonging to Iranian Kurdish opposition parties, including Komala, were among the targets of dozens of missile and drone attacks during the war.


Delay of Lebanon-Israel Technical Meeting Stalls Implementation of Pilot Zones Plan

An Israeli flag hangs from a building in an area occupied by Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)
An Israeli flag hangs from a building in an area occupied by Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)
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Delay of Lebanon-Israel Technical Meeting Stalls Implementation of Pilot Zones Plan

An Israeli flag hangs from a building in an area occupied by Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)
An Israeli flag hangs from a building in an area occupied by Israeli troops in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)

The United States has postponed a virtual meeting between Lebanese, Israeli and US military delegations that had been expected on Friday to discuss the first phase of the “pilot zones” plan.

The delay puts the practical rollout of the framework agreement between Lebanon and Israel on hold, particularly the pilot zone arrangements, and renews questions over an implementation process that still has no clear timetable.

The technical meeting was agreed during the latest round of negotiations in Rome at the start of the week. It was intended to finalize the first phase mechanism: Israeli forces would withdraw from several pilot zones, allowing the Lebanese army to deploy there under the supervision of the monitoring committee. The plan would then expand in later stages.

Sources familiar with the negotiations told Asharq Al-Awsat that Washington requested the postponement, saying more time was needed to complete technical files, operational plans and implementation procedures.

No new date was set.

The sources said the meeting could instead take place during a visit by US Central Command chief Admiral Brad Cooper, who is due in Beirut on July 23. Cooper met President Joseph Aoun and Lebanese army commander General Rodolphe Haykal late last month.

Military sources, however, linked the delay to Israeli actions on the ground in Lebanon.

“Israel is continuing its systematic destruction of border villages in what appears to be an attempt to complete its objectives on the ground before committing to any implementation agreement,” the sources said.

They said Israel, which still refuses to withdraw from Lebanese territory, was trying to limit the pilot zone plan to locations it does not occupy. Washington, meanwhile, is pressing Israel to begin implementing the agreement by withdrawing from areas under its control.

The sources said the disagreement explained Israel’s attempts to buy time and delay the start of actual implementation.

The sixth round of direct Lebanese-Israeli negotiations, held in Rome under US sponsorship, ended with an agreement to finalize the pilot zone structure and begin implementation within days.

The plan forms part of the framework agreement aimed at consolidating the ceasefire and preparing for a gradual Israeli withdrawal in return for the deployment of the Lebanese army. But the agreement sets no binding deadline for a full Israeli withdrawal.

Israel says it will not leave the security zone it seeks to retain, stretching about 10 km from the border, until Hezbollah has been disarmed in those areas.

That condition is widely seen as highly difficult under Lebanon’s current circumstances.

Israeli soldiers walk at the entrance to Beaufort Castle in southern Lebanon, Thursday, July 9, 2026. (AP)

Violations and destruction continue

On the ground, Israeli violations continued across southern Lebanon as the Lebanese army expanded its deployment.

The army deployed in the town of Froun in the Bint Jbeil district and began intensive patrols. Froun is one of six villages being considered for the pilot phase.

Israeli forces continued demolishing homes, most recently in Bint Jbeil.

Israeli drones also struck Mayfadoun and Choukine, carried out three strikes on the Naqoura road and hit Mansouri. Another strike on Naqoura wounded a Syrian worker.

Israeli forces also carried out a large explosion on Friday morning in Hadatha, near the outskirts of Aita al-Jabal, and continued combing operations in several border areas.

Rescue teams recovered the bodies of victims of the strike on Mansouri late on Thursday.

Residents of Haris appealed to the Lebanese army to evacuate civilians trapped during an Israeli combing operation, the state-run National News Agency reported.

This handout photograph released by the Lebanese army press office on July 15, 2026 shows Lebanese army vehicles patrolling in southern Lebanon. (Lebanese Army Press Office / AFP)

Hezbollah steps up criticism, warns of internal instability

Hezbollah, meanwhile, continued to attack the framework agreement and the Lebanese authorities’ handling of the negotiations.

Hezbollah lawmaker Ali Fayyad said the Rome talks had exposed the weakness of Lebanon’s official position.

He accused the authorities of pursuing negotiations despite continuing Israeli military operations and following policies aimed at satisfying the United States and Israel.

Fayyad warned that the approach threatened domestic stability.

“These authorities are determined to take the country to an extremely dangerous place,” he said.

He said the process would neither restore Lebanese territory nor protect sovereignty, but would instead cost the country its internal stability and national unity.

Fayyad said the “resistance [Hezbollah] is ready for all possibilities and options” and remained committed to what he described as its principles of defending Lebanon, liberating occupied territory and securing the return of residents to their villages.