Proliferation of Arms among ‘Resistance’ Factions Fighting Israel Adds to Lebanon’s Security Fears

Hezbollah members are seen at a military drill during a media tour in Armata, Lebanon. (Reuters)
Hezbollah members are seen at a military drill during a media tour in Armata, Lebanon. (Reuters)
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Proliferation of Arms among ‘Resistance’ Factions Fighting Israel Adds to Lebanon’s Security Fears

Hezbollah members are seen at a military drill during a media tour in Armata, Lebanon. (Reuters)
Hezbollah members are seen at a military drill during a media tour in Armata, Lebanon. (Reuters)

The military activity of five Lebanese and Palestinian factions in southern Lebanon has raised concerns in Lebanon over the post-war phase when the country will be confronted with the problem of collecting weapons in possession of so-called resistance factions.

Alarmingly, these groups appear to be in possession of heavy weapons. The Lebanese people already possess light weapons, which are remnants of the 1975-90 civil war, but heavy weapons, such as Katyusha rockets are now in possession of the so-called resistance factions, such as Hezbollah, the Amal movement and Jamaa al-Islamiya and the Palestinian Qassam Brigades – the armed wing of the Hamas movement – and the Islamic Jihad.

Five factions

The factions have not revealed how they were able to come into possession of such arms, but security circles speculated that they were probably smuggled through illegal border crossings and the illegal arms markets that are rampant across the globe.

Hezbollah, meanwhile, has previously declared that it boasts 100,000 fighters and Israel estimates that it possesses some 150,000 rockets. The other armed factions boast around dozens to hundreds of fighters.

Amal has said 17 of its members have been killed since the eruption of the fighting between Hezbollah and Israel in southern Lebanon in October. It has also said that it boasts fighters in “every border village” and that these fighters hail from the villages they are defending against attacks.

The Jamaa al-Islamiya has lost five fighters since the beginning of the war.

As for the Palestinian factions, official Palestinian figures have no tally of the number of fighters or their weapons.

Circles close to the Palestinian Fatah movement have said that they boast dozens of fighters and that their weapons are rockets that used to be in the possession of Palestinian resistance groups that were active in Lebanon.

Delayed discussions

In spite of the alarm over this new phenomenon and questions about how to address it after the war, the issue hasn’t been addressed on the political level, revealed parliamentary sources.

None of the political powers have a vision over how to handle the situation, they said.

Lebanon had previously suffered from the proliferation of arms during the civil war. The issue was resolved through the 1989 Taif Accord that helped end the war. All militias and armed groups, except for Hezbollah, agreed to lay down their arms and hand them over to the army.

Hezbollah kept its weapons because of its role as a resistance group fighting Israel’s then occupation of the South that ended in 2000. The party kept its weapons after the Israeli withdrawal.

Change bloc MP Ibrahim Mneimneh rejected the idea of simply having to accept the possession of weapons outside the authority of the state and justifications for it. He blamed the proliferation of arms on Hezbollah given the arsenal in its possession that has only grown since the Israeli withdrawal.

In remarks to Asharq Al-Awsat, he also blamed the security forces’ “lax” approach in handling the possession of weapons outside state authority for the proliferation of weapons.

Limiting the possession of arms to the state is stipulated in the Lebanese constitution and Taif Accord, he stressed.

Moreover, he warned against attempts by the armed factions to achieve political gains in return for them laying down their arms.

“We reject the use of arms to impose new political equations,” he stressed.



Western Companies Accuse Baghdad, Erbil of Blocking Kurdistan Oil Exports

An oil field in Iraqi Kurdistan. Photo: Kurdistan government media
An oil field in Iraqi Kurdistan. Photo: Kurdistan government media
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Western Companies Accuse Baghdad, Erbil of Blocking Kurdistan Oil Exports

An oil field in Iraqi Kurdistan. Photo: Kurdistan government media
An oil field in Iraqi Kurdistan. Photo: Kurdistan government media

Despite the renewed optimism over the past two weeks regarding the potential resumption of Kurdish oil exports to the Turkish port of Ceyhan, a new setback revealed by oil companies operating in the region has pushed negotiations back to square one.

APIKUR, a grouping of eight oil firms operating in Iraqi Kurdistan, criticized both the federal government in Baghdad and the regional government in Erbil for failing to present any “proposal” to restart oil exports.

This has raised further doubts about the prospects of resuming exports, which have been halted since March 2023.

Despite criticism directed at both Baghdad and Erbil, a Kurdish affairs researcher insists that “influential factions in Baghdad” are obstructing the resumption of oil exports.

The coalition of eight Western oil companies that make up APIKUR had entered investment contracts with the Kurdistan Regional Government.

These companies now face legal challenges with Baghdad, particularly following a 2022 Federal Court ruling declaring the Kurdistan Region’s oil and gas law unconstitutional, which led to a significant crisis with the consortium of companies operating in the region.

The Federal Ministry of Oil had previously accused APIKUR of “interfering in both internal and external Iraqi affairs” through its statements.

In a statement on Saturday, APIKUR said that despite the halt in oil exports since 2023 through the pipeline between Iraq and Türkiye, neither the group nor its members have seen any proposal from either the Iraqi government or the Kurdistan Regional Government that would lead to the resumption of exports.

APIKUR spokesperson Myles Caggins emphasized that the association continues to focus on collaborating with all stakeholders to fully restore oil production and exports through the Iraq-Türkiye pipeline.

The statement also pointed out that the Iraqi government has not taken the necessary actions to reopen the pipeline and enable oil exports from the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, despite Türkiye announcing in October 2023 that the pipeline was ready for operation and oil export.

APIKUR had previously welcomed the Iraqi Cabinet’s proposal to amend Article 12 of the Federal Budget Law regarding oil production costs in the region, seeing the amendment as “an opportunity to meet its demands.”

However, the association now sharply criticizes both Baghdad and Erbil, stating that previous positive meetings with representatives from both governments have not resulted in any real progress toward reopening the Iraq-Türkiye pipeline.