Iraq’s Coordination Framework Faces Deep Internal Disputes

An Iraqi soldier walks past a sign that reads "Ramadan Kareem" in the Karrada district of the capital Baghdad on March 5, 2025, during the Muslim holy fasting month of Ramadan. (AFP)
An Iraqi soldier walks past a sign that reads "Ramadan Kareem" in the Karrada district of the capital Baghdad on March 5, 2025, during the Muslim holy fasting month of Ramadan. (AFP)
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Iraq’s Coordination Framework Faces Deep Internal Disputes

An Iraqi soldier walks past a sign that reads "Ramadan Kareem" in the Karrada district of the capital Baghdad on March 5, 2025, during the Muslim holy fasting month of Ramadan. (AFP)
An Iraqi soldier walks past a sign that reads "Ramadan Kareem" in the Karrada district of the capital Baghdad on March 5, 2025, during the Muslim holy fasting month of Ramadan. (AFP)

Iraq’s ruling pro-Iran Coordination Framework is facing deep internal disputes as the country braces for the policies of the new American administration and prepares to hold parliamentary elections this year.

A leading member of the alliance said the tense discussions about possible pressure and sanctions from the United States is causing “confusion” between the ruling parties.

Moreover, the competition between them ahead of the elections will affect the future of the alliance and whether it will remain united, he told Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity.

The “most dangerous thing” that is happening is attempting to hold the Framework responsible for whatever challenges are in store, especially should the US administration under President Donald Trump impose sanctions, he added.

He explained that the forces and groups that are “very close to Iran are aware that the pressure will be focused on them. The leaders of the Framework are aware that the external threat they are facing should not be used as a weapon during the elections.”

Iraqi officials have for two months speculated, without evidence, that the US may possibly impose sanctions this year on banks or political groups or leaders.

Armed factions

Another issue the Shiite forces are grappling with is reaching an agreement over the armed factions.

Sunni politician Mashaan al-Juburi said Iraq needs to merge the factions and pro-Iran Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) in the state security forces.

Government officials, including Foreign Minister Fuad Hussein, have confirmed that “negotiations are underway over the fate of the factions. As a government agency operating within the state, there is no need to dismantle the PMF.”

Political sources revealed that “after weeks of silence, the armed factions have gone back on their plans to comply with government demands to dissolve and lay down their arms, because they have not heard any word from Washington about the fate of pro-Iran Shiite groups.”

Meanwhile, aide to the prime minister Fadi al-Shammari said in televised remarks that dialogue is ongoing with the armed factions to lay down their weapons.

He hoped the negotiations would “end well.”

The sources said the discrepancy in statements by the Framework reflects their “confusion and hesitation in taking any step or political initiative” towards resolving disputes.

Kadhimi and Sadr’s return

Former Prime Minister Mustafa al-Kadhimi's return to Iraq last week after a nearly two-year absence has added another layer to the complicated scene in the country.

In a television interview, he slammed current PM Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, saying several of the current projects in the country were part of an emergency plan drafted by his former government. His remarks sparked fierce criticism by figures close to Sudani.

Prior to Kadhimi’s return, former PM Ayad Allawi announced the formation of a new alliance that will take part in the elections.

Iraqi media noted that preparations for the elections kicked off early this year with the polls usually held in October.

Kadhimi, for his part, is planning on joining the race with liberal Shiite figures.

Meanwhile, influential Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr has signaled his return to politics. He had suspended his involvement in political life in June 2022, vowing not to take part in any future elections to avoid partnering with “corrupt” figures.

In late February, he called on his supporters to update their electoral details, in a sign that he may resume political life.

Local media noted that his return to politics is taking place a time when “Iran’s influence in the country is waning.”

Iraqi authorities have yet to schedule the date of the elections as another dispute, this time over amending the electoral law, appears to be looming on the horizon.



After al-Sadr’s Boycott, al-Abadi Withdraws from Iraq’s Upcoming Elections

Former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi announcing victory over Daesh in late 2017 (Archive – Government Media) 
Former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi announcing victory over Daesh in late 2017 (Archive – Government Media) 
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After al-Sadr’s Boycott, al-Abadi Withdraws from Iraq’s Upcoming Elections

Former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi announcing victory over Daesh in late 2017 (Archive – Government Media) 
Former Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi announcing victory over Daesh in late 2017 (Archive – Government Media) 

Following the decision by Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr’s Sadrist Movement to uphold its boycott of Iraq’s parliamentary elections, former Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi has also announced that his Victory Coalition will withdraw in protest against “political money” and the lack of safeguards to prevent its misuse.

Al-Sadr has repeatedly declared that systemic financial and political corruption is the main reason his movement refuses to participate. Al-Abadi’s coalition echoed similar concerns, saying the upcoming November vote has been overshadowed by unrestrained spending and vote-buying.

Despite efforts by political forces to convince the Sadrists to reconsider, al-Sadr remained resolute. While he did direct his supporters to update their voter records, it is still unclear whether he will ultimately endorse any of the electoral lists reportedly registered under different names by allied groups.

The Victory Coalition formally notified its partners in the National State Forces Alliance that it will not field its own candidates, becoming the second major Shiite bloc to step aside.

In a statement, the coalition said it remains committed to democratic principles but refuses to legitimize an election “driven by political money, lacking serious enforcement of legal measures to prevent manipulation, vote-buying, misuse of public resources, and foreign funding.” The coalition stressed that a political entity’s credibility stems from its conduct, which defines its true influence.

Meanwhile, the Independent High Electoral Commission has begun reviewing candidate lists submitted by parties and alliances after the nomination period closed. Commission spokesperson Imad Jameel confirmed that officials are verifying documents to ensure candidates meet eligibility criteria, with background checks to be completed within 15 days.

As millions of Sadrist supporters face the likelihood of sitting out the election, traditional Shiite factions are positioning themselves as the natural political heirs and preparing to court disillusioned voters, particularly in Baghdad.

Separately, an official source revealed that Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, leader of the Reconstruction and Development Coalition, plans to run about 470 candidates nationwide. Al-Sudani will hold the top slot in Baghdad. Former Speaker of Parliament and Taqaddum leader Mohammed al-Halbousi also plans to contest Baghdad rather than Anbar, seeking to secure a strong Sunni presence in the capital.

These moves signal an intense contest for dominance in Baghdad, as al-Sudani may capitalize on Sadrist absence to expand Shiite support, while al-Halbousi’s campaign could reshape the sectarian balance in Iraq’s political heartland.