Sudanese Seek Refuge Underground in Besieged Darfur City

Desperate for safety from bombardment of Sudan's besieged city of El-Fasher, Darfur, residents have built makeshift bunkers. Muammar Ibrahim / AFP
Desperate for safety from bombardment of Sudan's besieged city of El-Fasher, Darfur, residents have built makeshift bunkers. Muammar Ibrahim / AFP
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Sudanese Seek Refuge Underground in Besieged Darfur City

Desperate for safety from bombardment of Sudan's besieged city of El-Fasher, Darfur, residents have built makeshift bunkers. Muammar Ibrahim / AFP
Desperate for safety from bombardment of Sudan's besieged city of El-Fasher, Darfur, residents have built makeshift bunkers. Muammar Ibrahim / AFP

Beneath the broken earth of the besieged Sudanese city of El-Fasher in the western region of Darfur, Nafisa Malik clutches her five children close.
As shells rain down, the 45-year-old mother tries to shield them in a cramped hole barely big enough to crouch in.
"Time slows down here," Malik said, from her home near El-Fasher's Hajer Gadou market.
"We sit in the darkness, listening, trying to guess when it's over," she told AFP by phone.
For almost two years the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and Sudan's army have waged a war that has killed tens of thousands, AFP said.
United Nations Secretary-General Antonio Guterres on Friday called it a "crisis of staggering scale and brutality".
El-Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state, is the only major city in Darfur still under army control, making it a strategic prize.
The RSF has tried for months to seize it.
Malik's crude shelter, held up by splintered wooden planks and scraps of rusted metal, is one of thousands in the war-battered city, according to residents.
The army regained much of the capital Khartoum this year, but the RSF has intensified its attacks on El-Fasher.
Desperate for safety from artillery and drone strikes, residents have built makeshift bunkers.
Some are hurriedly excavated foxholes, others are more solid and reinforced with sandbags.
Mohammed Ibrahim, 54, once believed hiding under beds would be enough, "until houses were hit".
"We lost neighbors," he said by phone. "The children were terrified."
Determined to protect his family, Ibrahim dug a hole in his yard. He covered it with sacks of soil with only a narrow entrance.
Doctors underground
Despite the RSF's siege cutting off supply lines, the army and an allied coalition of armed groups known as the Joint Forces still hold most of the city.
Yale University's Humanitarian Research Lab, which uses satellite and other data to track the conflict, has identified "clusters of damage".
It details destruction from munitions and fires including near the airport, market and in the city's east and south.
The researchers reported bombardment of "residential structures", and said its findings are consistent with Sudanese army air strikes as well as RSF artillery and ground attacks.
Staff at the Saudi Hospital, one of the last functioning medical facilities in the city, carved out an underground shelter last October.
"We use it as an operating room during the strikes, lit only by our phones," one doctor told AFP, requesting anonymity for his safety.
Every explosion sends tremors through the shelter walls, shaking surgical instruments and rattling nerves.
El-Fasher was historically the seat of the Darfur sultanate and has long been a center of power in Darfur.
Now, it is all that stands between total RSF control of Darfur, whose gold resources provide the paramilitaries with vital revenue, according to the United States Treasury Department.
The African Union warned last week that Sudan risks partition.
"The army is well entrenched in El-Fasher, making it exceedingly difficult for the RSF to capture the city," said Marc Lavergne, a Sudan expert at France's University of Tours.
Crucial to the army's war effort in El-Fasher is its support from the Zaghawa ethnic group.
'Existential threat'
Forces from prominent Zaghawa figures, Darfur Governor Minni Minnawi and Finance Minister Gibril Ibrahim, have joined the city's defense after being neutral at the war's beginning.
"The Zhagawa see the fall of El-Fasher as an existential threat," said Sudanese political analyst Kholood Khair.
"They are concerned that the RSF would commit reprisal attacks against them for breaking their neutrality -- if they capture the city," she told AFP.
But as the RSF tightens its grip, the army and its allies face a dilemma: hold the city at immense human cost or risk ceding a stronghold that Khair said could shift the war's balance.
"Holding the city depletes resources," she said. "But losing it would be catastrophic."
A UN-backed assessment declared famine in three displacement camps around El-Fasher. Famine is expected to spread to five more areas, including El-Fasher itself, by May.
Aid is practically nonexistent.
Remaining humanitarian agencies have suspended operations as the RSF attempts to break through, attacking camps and villages around El-Fasher.
"Bringing goods in has become nearly impossible," shop owner Ahmed Suleiman said. "Even if you take the risk, you have to pay bribes at checkpoints, which drives up prices."
Leni Kinzli from the World Food Programme warned of dire consequences.
"If aid continues to be cut off, the fallout will be catastrophic", she said.



Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
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Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 

Mediators from Egypt, Qatar, and Türkiye announced on Wednesday the formation of a Palestinian technocratic committee to administer the Gaza Strip, headed by Ali Shaath. The move follows changes to the committee’s membership and broader political maneuvering that point to an imminent transfer of governance from Hamas.

Earlier on Wednesday, US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff announced the launch of “Phase Two of President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan to end the conflict in Gaza,” saying it marks a shift “from a ceasefire to disarmament, technocratic governance, and reconstruction.”

The plan calls for the establishment of a technocratic body to oversee governmental and civilian affairs in Gaza as an alternative to Hamas rule.

While several well-known figures had previously been mentioned as potential leaders, Gaza residents and observers were surprised by the emergence of new names. Among those reported by Asharq Al-Awsat on Tuesday evening was Ali Shaath, who has since emerged as the leading candidate to chair the committee.

Who Is Ali Shaath?

Ali Shaath was born in 1958 in Khan Younis, southern Gaza, into a prominent Palestinian family and large clan with a long record of national and political engagement. Many members of his family are affiliated with Fatah.

He earned a bachelor’s degree in civil engineering from Ain Shams University in Cairo in 1982, a master’s degree in 1986, and a PhD in civil engineering from Queen’s University in the United Kingdom in 1989, specializing in infrastructure planning and urban development.

Shaath has held several senior posts within the Palestinian Authority and is widely regarded as a technical expert rather than a political figure. Early in the Authority’s formation, he served as deputy to then–Minister of Planning and International Cooperation Nabil Shaath, helping draft strategic development plans for a future Palestinian state.

He later served as undersecretary at the Ministry of Transport, overseeing major infrastructure and road projects. He went on to lead the Palestinian Industrial Estates and Free Zones Authority, chair the Palestinian Housing Council, head the Palestinian Ports Authority, and advise the Palestinian Economic Council for Development and Reconstruction (PECDAR). Most recently, despite retirement, he served as an adviser to the Ministry of Housing and Public Works.

Politically, Shaath participated in final-status negotiation committees in 2005 and contributed as a technical expert on border and maritime access issues. His background in economic development and postwar reconstruction appears to have positioned him to lead the technocratic committee.

Sources close to the Shaath family told Asharq Al-Awsat that he has lived in the West Bank for years, including before the Gaza war, and has consistently avoided factional politics, focusing instead on technical and professional roles.


Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
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Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 

A senior Israeli official has acknowledged that disagreements with Syria remain “very deep,” dismissing what the United States has described as a positive atmosphere surrounding negotiations. “The reality is quite different,” the official said.

The remarks indicate that Israel intends to preserve the current situation created by its recent occupation of Syrian territory and rejects any withdrawal, not only from Mount Hermon but also from the nine positions it established following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

Israel has reportedly set far-reaching conditions in return, including barring Syria from deploying anti-aircraft missiles.

According to a report by Maariv political correspondent Anna Barsky, intensive talks held in Paris over two days last week, involving representatives from Israel, Syria, and the United States, produced only a limited outcome.

The discussions resulted in an agreement to establish a coordination mechanism aimed at preventing field-level friction, to be managed with active US involvement, but fell short of any broader political or security breakthrough.

Barsky wrote that there is currently no possibility of reaching a security agreement between Israel and Syria. While she cited Syria’s demand for an Israeli withdrawal from Syrian Mount Hermon as the main obstacle, the report suggests that Israel’s own demands are the primary factor blocking progress.

According to the senior official, Israel’s conditions include maintaining the new reality that emerged after Assad’s downfall in December 2024. This includes areas formerly designated as a UN-monitored buffer zone, an additional strip deeper along the border covering about 450 square kilometers, and all the peaks of Mount Hermon.

Israel is also seeking to strip the Syrian army of what it defines as strategic weapons, including advanced anti-aircraft systems or any arms that could disrupt the existing military balance. In addition, it demands that no foreign forces be present in Syria if they could restrict the Israeli army’s freedom of movement, specifically Russian or Turkish forces.

The report noted that the US administration, while pressing both sides to advance toward security understandings, supports Israeli demands it considers essential to Israel’s security, particularly remaining on Mount Hermon, though Washington is expected to propose compromise arrangements.

At the same time, Barsky reported growing concern in Tel Aviv over a parallel Syrian track: efforts by Damascus to coordinate with Moscow to redeploy Russian military forces in Syria, especially in the south.

Israel views such a move as a direct threat to its operational freedom and has worked to thwart initiatives aimed at restoring a Russian presence there. According to Maariv, Israel has conveyed a firm message to Damascus, Moscow, and Washington that it will not tolerate Russian forces in southern Syria.

The newspaper linked this stance to past experience, noting that while Russia maintained two main bases in Syria - Hmeimim Air Base and the naval facility in Tartus - it also deployed military police and observation posts near the disengagement zone in the south. Israel believes a return to that model would impose new operational constraints and alter the rules of engagement.

Although Russia’s footprint in Syria shrank after Assad’s fall, Israeli assessments suggest Moscow is seeking, in coordination with Syria’s new authorities, to rebuild its influence despite its preoccupation with the war in Ukraine.

The report said that both Moscow and Damascus view a Russian presence in southern Syria as strategically valuable, particularly as a means of constraining Israel.

 

 


Hezbollah Raises Civil War Threat Over Disarmament Plan

Hezbollah members take an oath in front of a monument to Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in Beirut in 2022 (AP file photo)
Hezbollah members take an oath in front of a monument to Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in Beirut in 2022 (AP file photo)
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Hezbollah Raises Civil War Threat Over Disarmament Plan

Hezbollah members take an oath in front of a monument to Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in Beirut in 2022 (AP file photo)
Hezbollah members take an oath in front of a monument to Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in Beirut in 2022 (AP file photo)

Hezbollah escalated its response to Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam over plans to press ahead with restricting weapons to the state and extending the move to areas north of the Litani River, raising the specter of civil war as tensions over the issue intensify.

Mahmoud Qamati, vice president of Hezbollah’s political council, said in a televised interview that statements by the president and prime minister on confining weapons north of the Litani meant the government was heading toward chaos and instability, and toward an internal situation that no one would accept, possibly even a civil war.

The government last week tasked the Lebanese army commander, during a cabinet session, with preparing a plan to restrict weapons north of the Litani, after announcing that the objectives of the first phase of the plan to confine arms to the state south of the river had been achieved.

Qamati’s Position

Hezbollah says that before any discussion begins on the fate of its weapons outside the area south of the river, Israel must stop violating Lebanese sovereignty, withdraw from points it occupies, and release prisoners.

Qamati said on Tuesday that some parties were insisting on implementing foreign dictates and offering concessions to Israel for free and without any return.

He added that the army’s role was not to protect Israel from any military action from Lebanon, but to confront Israel, which he said occupies Lebanese territory.

Accusing some members of the government of collusion to implement a US-Israeli plan for personal calculations, Qamati called for a return to reason, wisdom, and “Lebanese-Lebanese dialogue”.

War Against Whom?

Lebanese Industry Minister Joe Issa El-Khoury expressed surprise at Hezbollah’s threat of a civil war, asking between whom such a war would take place, between an illegitimate armed group and the legitimate army.

Civil wars, he said, usually erupt between illegitimate armed groups, warning that if Hezbollah did not hand over its weapons, other unarmed groups might rearm on the grounds that the army was unable to protect them.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, El-Khoury said it was unacceptable for one group alone to be armed to fight Israel, adding that Lebanon either builds a state together or looks for other projects. While the region was moving forward with strong momentum, he said, Lebanon was moving backward.

El-Khoury said the army’s forthcoming plan to restrict weapons north of the Litani should not include multiple phases, but rather a single phase running until the end of March.

He stressed that linking implementation to the army’s capabilities and resources was misplaced.

He recalled that the strongest militia after the civil war was the Lebanese Forces, which later committed to building the state and handed over its weapons to the army, thereby eliminating the need for army deployment in areas where the group had been present.

That, he said, was what should happen today with Hezbollah.

Party Warning

Sources familiar with Hezbollah’s internal thinking told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group did not want a clash with the army, and that the army did not intend to seize weapons by force.

The warning issued by Qamati, they said, was directed at political forces pushing for disarmament by force. The sources added that the current moves were an attempt to create the right conditions to reach a consensus solution to the issue.

Remarks by Rajji

Hezbollah’s veiled threats of civil war coincided with a fierce campaign by lawmakers from the Shiite duo, Amal and Hezbollah, against Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Rajji.

In a televised interview, Rajji said that the ceasefire declaration approved by the government provided for Hezbollah’s weapons to be confined in return for a halt to Israeli attacks, and that as long as the weapons were not fully confined, Israel, unfortunately, had the right to continue its attacks.

Hezbollah lawmaker Ali Ammar described the remarks as dangerous, saying they required a clear and firm stance from the president and prime minister, as well as a halt to such statements, which he said inflamed internal divisions and served only to benefit the enemy.

Qassem Hashem, a member of the Development and Liberation bloc, said Rajji’s comments went beyond impropriety to justifying Israeli aggression against Lebanon, calling it a violation of sovereignty and a blow to national dignity.

He said the remarks should not pass without accountability in cabinet, and that in a fully sovereign state, the minister would be dismissed.

Another lawmaker from the bloc, Mohammed Khawaja, asked the president and prime minister whether Rajji was truly Lebanon’s foreign minister, accusing him of focusing on finding justifications for Israel.

In response, El-Khoury told Asharq Al-Awsat that Rajji’s remarks reflected the government’s position, not a personal view.

He said the agreement approved by Hezbollah listed the parties authorized to carry weapons and did not include Hezbollah, meaning that the group’s insistence on keeping its arms constituted a breach of the agreement and provided Israel with a pretext to refuse to implement its provisions.