Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
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Tariq Saleh to Asharq Al-Awsat: Yemen Will Not Be Arena for Settling Foreign Scores

Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)
Tariq Saleh during a virtual meeting with Republican Guard brigades in 2022 (X)

In Yemen, bearing the legacy of “The Leader” is no easy task. The title, still reverently used by supporters of the General People’s Congress, belongs to the late President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

It’s also increasingly difficult these days to reach his nephew, Brig. Gen. Tariq Mohammed Abdullah Saleh, a member of Yemen’s Presidential Leadership Council (PLC) with vice-presidential rank.

He has remained largely out of public view as US airstrikes against the Iran-aligned Houthis intensify and military geography across Yemen becomes a testing ground for how long the group can withstand the barrage—over 100 strikes since March 15, 2025.

In written responses to Asharq Al-Awsat, Saleh—who also heads the Political Bureau of the National Resistance—warned against viewing Yemen solely through the lens of US-Iran tensions.

“The world would be making a mistake by accepting Yemen as a bargaining chip in Iranian negotiations,” he said.

Speaking with a tone that balanced diplomacy with defiance, Saleh appeared to sharpen both his political and military knives.

While expressing openness to a peaceful solution, he said intentions alone are not enough to build a path to negotiations.

He warned that keeping Yemen, in his words, “a base for the Iranian Revolutionary Guard” threatens not only Yemenis but also regional and international interests.

Saleh noted that stability in Yemen hinges on supporting a national state rooted in constitutional rule and genuine popular consensus—not on short-term geopolitical deals.

“Yemen is not a battleground for settling scores, nor part of any external compromises,” Saleh told Asharq Al-Awsat in written remarks.

He stressed Yemen’s strategic importance to global shipping routes and said that reducing the country to a pawn in major power negotiations undermines both its sovereignty and regional security.

Red Sea Conflict: A Test of Power and Priorities

The ongoing US air campaign has significantly degraded Houthi military capabilities, destroyed key infrastructure, and killed dozens of fighters and hundreds of civilians.

The strikes, targeting the Iran-aligned group’s operations in the Red Sea region, have disrupted leadership structures—even among those seen by Yemenis as figureheads rather than decision-makers.

Despite the mounting pressure, the Houthis have kept up their pattern of resilience, continuing to claim attacks on US naval vessels and Israeli targets.

Amid the roar of US warplanes and missile strikes from the sea, Saleh underlined the need for stronger support to Yemeni forces on the ground, calling it essential to restoring balance—not as a tool for escalation but as a national imperative to protect civilians and preserve hard-won gains.

He said the Yemeni government is in ongoing coordination with international partners and the Saudi-led coalition backing legitimacy in Yemen to secure further assistance for the national struggle.

At the same time, Saleh pointed to continued cooperation with regional and international partners to bolster Yemen’s coast guard, particularly in the Red Sea—a strategic artery for global trade.

He noted the presence of effective security units along the coastline, reinforcing the country’s role in protecting maritime interests.

Yemen’s battle for sovereignty stretches from the mountains to the seas, and protecting its territorial waters is part of a broader struggle against the Houthis and in defense of state institutions.

Saleh said maritime security cannot be separated from national sovereignty, emphasizing that defending sea lanes is integral to restoring state authority both on land and at sea.

‘The State Is Not Built on Statements’

Saleh outlined his vision for peace in stark terms: “There is no meaning to any settlement that does not subject the Houthis to the Yemeni constitution and the rule of law,” he said, dismissing any notion that the group could be accommodated outside a constitutional framework.

Peace, in his view, is not a matter of goodwill or declarations. It is a constitutional principle that criminalizes taking power by force and mandates republican governance as a guarantee of equal citizenship, social justice, and Yemen’s return to its rightful place as a peaceful and responsible global partner.

He argued that state power is not built through media statements but through real capabilities on the ground. Only that strength, he said, can lead to a just political solution that serves Yemen, its region, and the wider international community.

While reiterating his commitment to peace, Saleh stressed that it cannot come through concessions alone—it requires a redefinition of the balance of power.

“Peace cannot be granted to a group that rejects the state,” he said. “It is forged when the state regains the capacity to enforce the law and protect its citizens.”

A Predictable Escalation

According to Saleh, the recent Houthi attacks in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden are not an outburst of sudden aggression, but the continuation of a long-term strategy.

“These are not surprises,” he said, recalling how the group began targeting Yemeni territorial waters with naval mines and missiles years ago.

The Houthis also launched attacks on civilian infrastructure, including oil export facilities, and disrupted maritime sovereignty by jamming communications with shipping firms and blockading Yemeni ports.

For Saleh, the current US-led campaign is not an isolated flare-up, but part of a larger context where Yemen's struggle for sovereignty has always included defending its shores.

According to the PLC leader, the world turned a blind eye to Houthi violations for years—until they threatened international interests.

“These violations were happening early on,” he said. “But the world only began paying attention when its direct interests were affected.”

Saleh voiced regret over the wars the Iran-backed group has dragged Yemen into, but reiterated his belief that military action is the only way to end what he described as “Houthi terrorism directed by Iran.”

No Peace in the Dictionary

In Saleh’s political lexicon, peace with the Houthis—whom he describes as a bloodthirsty group with no commitment to national frameworks and an ideology rooted in an enemy state—is virtually nonexistent.

He accused the Houthis of placing their leadership and institutions tied to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps above Yemen’s state institutions.

“Governance is about managing people’s affairs based on shared frameworks,” Saleh said. “The Houthis do not abide by any of that.” As a result, he believes the conflict is dictated by weapons, not by any political process grounded in consensus or constitutional rule.

Saleh directly blamed Iran for perpetuating the conflict through its armed proxies, keeping Yemen hostage to violence and rebellion.

Tehran denies controlling Houthi decisions, but regional and international powers have repeatedly presented evidence of weapons smuggling and Iranian fingerprints on the group’s arsenal.

A State Denied

Saleh’s stance on the Houthis leaves no room for ambiguity. He sees the core of the crisis in their rejection of statehood, their use of religion as a tool of power, and their prioritization of armed control over any national project or political consensus.

Under these conditions, he says, a return to state institutions and constitutional governance is impossible while an armed group continues to defy the republic and evade any legal restraints on its authority.

‘What Unites Us Is Greater Than Our Differences’

Despite the political gridlock, Saleh acknowledged the challenges facing the Presidential Leadership Council and admitted that delays have occurred on several fronts. Still, he described internal disagreements as “natural,” given the complexity of Yemen’s ongoing crisis.

“In the end,” he said, “what unites us is greater than any differences.”

Saleh affirmed that internal differences within the PLC are normal—especially under the extraordinary circumstances the country is facing. What matters, he stressed, is the leadership’s ability to manage those differences within a framework of national responsibility.

“Disagreements are natural in any leadership body, particularly in exceptional conditions like Yemen’s,” he said. “But more important is our ability to navigate this diversity and divergence while remaining committed to the national interest.”

Saleh acknowledged delays on certain issues, but maintained that coordination among military forces loyal to the internationally recognized government continues to improve. Armed conflict between former battlefield allies who support legitimacy, he noted, has largely come to an end.

Mounting Economic Pressure

On the civilian front, Saleh admitted the council is grappling with significant economic pressures. These include financial fragmentation, Houthi manipulation of monetary policy, the splitting of the central bank, and the looting of public resources in the Houthi-held capital, Sanaa. The situation is compounded by limited international support for the government.

Despite these obstacles, Saleh insisted the council remains the legitimate representative of the Yemeni state—locally, regionally, and internationally. Still, he admitted, “much, much more” is needed, reflecting the scale of the challenges and the narrow room for maneuver.

Managing, Not Denying, Disagreements

Saleh acknowledged criticism of the PLC, especially regarding internal divisions, but said these rifts predated the council’s formation.

“The issue is not the absence of disagreements,” he said, “but our ability to manage them responsibly.” That, he argued, is what keeps the leadership intact and its national mission on course.

Saleh explained that the council’s performance should not be viewed as a defense of outcomes, but rather as a reflection of the sheer complexity of the moment.

He described a leadership body under immense economic strain, facing financial fragmentation orchestrated by the Houthi-run administration in Sanaa and grappling with depleted state revenues.

Despite these mounting challenges, he said, the council continues to serve as a reference point for the country’s legitimate leadership, striving to maintain cohesion in a volatile environment where all outcomes remain on the table.

In this precarious phase, Saleh appears focused not only on confronting threats but on reshaping the idea of unity within Yemen’s state institutions—from the PLC and military landscape to Yemen’s strategic ties with regional and international partners, which he views as critical to any future settlement.

The PLC was formed in April 2022 following Yemeni-Yemeni consultations hosted by the Gulf Cooperation Council in Riyadh. It brought together military and political factions opposed to the Houthis under the chairmanship of Dr. Rashad al-Alimi and seven vice presidents, including Saleh.

The council’s formation was seen at the time as a hopeful turning point—one aimed at pursuing peace and correcting the shortcomings of the previous government. But nearly three years on, critics argue that momentum has faded.

Supporters, however, counter that the council’s ability to remain united despite deep ideological and political differences among its members—many of whom were once rivals—is itself a political achievement amid the ongoing conflict.

 

 



Strike Kills at Least Four Iraqi Fighters Near Syria Border

Members of the Iraqi border forces patrol along a concrete wall on the Iraqi-Syrian border, in the town of al-Baghuz in the Al-Qaim district of western Iraq, on January 21, 2026. (AFP)
Members of the Iraqi border forces patrol along a concrete wall on the Iraqi-Syrian border, in the town of al-Baghuz in the Al-Qaim district of western Iraq, on January 21, 2026. (AFP)
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Strike Kills at Least Four Iraqi Fighters Near Syria Border

Members of the Iraqi border forces patrol along a concrete wall on the Iraqi-Syrian border, in the town of al-Baghuz in the Al-Qaim district of western Iraq, on January 21, 2026. (AFP)
Members of the Iraqi border forces patrol along a concrete wall on the Iraqi-Syrian border, in the town of al-Baghuz in the Al-Qaim district of western Iraq, on January 21, 2026. (AFP)

A strike on Monday near Iraq's western border with Syria killed at least four fighters from a former coalition, two security officials said.

The fighters from the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF), now part of Iraq's regular army -- "were killed and three others were wounded" in the late afternoon attack on a checkpoint at the entrance to the city of al-Qaim, a local security official said, AFP reported.

An official with the PMF, which includes pro-Iranian groups, put the toll higher, at six dead, blaming the United States for the strike.

He said the checkpoint, which also housed army and police personnel, was targeted again when ambulances arrived to help victims.

Iraq has recently regained a sense of stability following years of conflict, and was unwillingly drawn into the current Middle East war after having long been a proxy battleground between the US and Iran.

Since the start of the Middle East war on February 28, bases belonging to PMF have been hit several times, with strikes mostly targeting Tehran-backed armed groups.

These groups are also united under a loose alliance called the Islamic Resistance in Iraq, which has claimed attacks against US bases in Iraq.


Israel Says Lebanese Displaced Won’t Return Until Its Own Citizens Are Safe

Israeli soldiers gather on the Israeli side of the border with Lebanon, amid escalation between Hezbollah and Israel, and amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in northern Israel, March 16, 2026. REUTERS/Shir Torem
Israeli soldiers gather on the Israeli side of the border with Lebanon, amid escalation between Hezbollah and Israel, and amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in northern Israel, March 16, 2026. REUTERS/Shir Torem
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Israel Says Lebanese Displaced Won’t Return Until Its Own Citizens Are Safe

Israeli soldiers gather on the Israeli side of the border with Lebanon, amid escalation between Hezbollah and Israel, and amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in northern Israel, March 16, 2026. REUTERS/Shir Torem
Israeli soldiers gather on the Israeli side of the border with Lebanon, amid escalation between Hezbollah and Israel, and amid the US-Israeli conflict with Iran, in northern Israel, March 16, 2026. REUTERS/Shir Torem

Israel on Monday warned that displaced Lebanese driven from their homes by its military campaign would not be able to return until the safety of Israelis living near the border was ensured, as Israeli troops pushed into new parts of southern Lebanon. 

In a briefing, Israeli military spokesperson Lieutenant Colonel Nadav Shoshani told reporters that soldiers were now conducting ground operations in "new locations", describing the latest offensive as "limited and targeted". 

The extended operation began days after Defense Minister Israel Katz said the military had been ordered to expand its campaign. He later warned that the country could face territorial losses and damage to its infrastructure unless Hezbollah was disarmed. 

Israel's military, which has occupied five positions in southern Lebanon since a November 2024 ceasefire with Hezbollah, sent additional forces into the country ‌after Hezbollah fired ‌a salvo of rockets on March 2, dragging Lebanon into an expanding regional war. 

Hezbollah ⁠said its attack was in retaliation for the killing of Iran's supreme leader on February 28, the first day of the US-Israeli war with Iran. Israel has responded with an intensive bombing campaign on Lebanon. 

COMPARISON WITH GAZA 

The military has framed the ground offensive, launched after March 2, as a defensive effort to protect northern Israel from Hezbollah attacks, which it says have averaged at least 100 rockets and drones a day and have reached as far as central Israel. 

More than 880 people in Lebanon have been killed, according to Lebanon's health ministry, and more than 800,000 have been driven from their homes, many from the ⁠south as well as from areas near the capital, Beirut. 

On Monday, Katz linked the ‌return of displaced Lebanese residents to the safety of Israelis living near ‌the border. 

"Hundreds of thousands of Shiite residents of southern Lebanon who have evacuated or are evacuating their homes in southern Lebanon and ‌Beirut will not return to areas south of the Litani line until the safety of northern residents is ensured," he ‌said in a statement.  

He said the military had been instructed to destroy "terrorist infrastructure" in villages in southern Lebanon near the border with Israel, drawing a comparison to operations in cities in the Gaza Strip that were largely destroyed by Israeli forces.  

Katz also suggested that Hezbollah’s leader, Sheikh Naim Qassem, could face a fate similar to that of his predecessor, and to Iran's supreme leader, both of ‌whom were killed in Israeli strikes.  

Qassem said last week threats against his life were “worthless.” 

ISRAELI TROOPS ADVANCE WEST  

Over the weekend, Israeli troops encircled the key southern Lebanese town ⁠of Khiam and were advancing ⁠west toward the Litani River, a move that could leave large swathes of southern Lebanon under Israeli control, Lebanese security sources told Reuters. 

Israeli troops battled Hezbollah fighters in southern Lebanon throughout the day on Monday, and advanced towards Bint Jbeil, a Lebanese village and Hezbollah stronghold located about 4 km from the border with Israel, the sources said. 

Two Israeli officials said on Sunday that Israel and Lebanon were expected to hold talks in the coming days aimed at securing a durable ceasefire which would see Hezbollah disarmed. 

A Lebanese source familiar with the matter said it didn't seem talks with Israel would be taking place soon, though they would happen eventually. 

Israel's Ambassador to the United Nations Danny Danon told reporters that a "few players were trying to mediate and host talks", adding: "I believe the next step will be talks but first we have to degrade the capability of Hezbollah." 

Under the November 2024 ceasefire, Hezbollah was to pull back from southern Lebanon as the Lebanese military took over. 

Israel said Lebanon never upheld its part of the deal, continuing near-daily air strikes against what it said were Hezbollah positions and weapons.  


Iraq Hopes to Ship Oil to Türkiye by Pipeline as War Cuts off Exports

Technicians working at the Majnoon oil field in Basra, Iraq. (Reuters)
Technicians working at the Majnoon oil field in Basra, Iraq. (Reuters)
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Iraq Hopes to Ship Oil to Türkiye by Pipeline as War Cuts off Exports

Technicians working at the Majnoon oil field in Basra, Iraq. (Reuters)
Technicians working at the Majnoon oil field in Basra, Iraq. (Reuters)

Iraq is hoping to ship up to 250,000 barrels of oil per day to a port in Türkiye via a rehabilitated pipeline, its oil minister said, after the US-Israeli war on Iran cut off its main export route.

The amount would be just a fraction of the roughly 3.5 million barrels per day (bpd) that Iraq exported before the conflict, mostly through its southern Basra port and the Strait of Hormuz, where traffic has been severely disrupted by the war.

Authorities want to restore an old pipeline -- out of service for years -- that links the northern Kirkuk oil fields to the Turkish port of Ceyhan, where the oil could be shipped onwards to international buyers.

Oil Minister Hayan Abdel Ghani said late Sunday that the pipeline's rehabilitation is "complete, but there is a 100-kilometer section that needs to be inspected".

Teams will "conduct a hydrostatic test, which is the final phase of the pipeline's rehabilitation", hopefully "within a week", Ghani added, citing an export target of roughly 250,000 bpd.

The pipeline was damaged by the ISIS group in 2014.

Its use, however, requires "contact with the Turkish side and an agreement on logistical and technical issues", said oil expert Assem Jihad.

Initially, Baghdad wanted to send exports to the Ceyhan port via another pipeline that runs through Kurdistan.

But "so far, no agreement has been reached", Ghani said, as relations between the autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan and the federal government in Baghdad have deteriorated.

He acknowledged that "Iraqi oil exports were halted two or three days after the start of the war".

The country is also considering the possibility of transporting 200,000 bpd by tanker trucks, primarily via Jordan and Syria.

Iraq derives more than 90 percent of its revenue from oil.

Experts have warned that without this income, the state -- Iraq's largest employer -- will be unable to pay civil servants' salaries and risks a foreign currency shortage to finance imports or stabilise its exchange rate.