Damascus Gov’t on Alert to Prevent ISIS Resurgence

Emergency services work at the scene of a suicide bombing at Mar Elias Church on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria, 22 June 2025. EPA/MOHAMMED AL RIFAI
Emergency services work at the scene of a suicide bombing at Mar Elias Church on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria, 22 June 2025. EPA/MOHAMMED AL RIFAI
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Damascus Gov’t on Alert to Prevent ISIS Resurgence

Emergency services work at the scene of a suicide bombing at Mar Elias Church on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria, 22 June 2025. EPA/MOHAMMED AL RIFAI
Emergency services work at the scene of a suicide bombing at Mar Elias Church on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria, 22 June 2025. EPA/MOHAMMED AL RIFAI

A suicide bombing that targeted the Mar Elias church in the Dweila district of Damascus has reignited debate over ISIS’s activity inside Syria, amid growing concerns that extremist groups are intensifying efforts to destabilize the government of President Ahmed al-Sharaa.

Although a lesser-known faction, Saraya Ansar al-Sunna, claimed responsibility for the attack, multiple sources say various radical groups, despite differing ideologies, are now pursuing parallel strategies to undermine the Syrian state.

A senior commander in the New Syrian Army warned of a looming ISIS plan to stage a large-scale, surprise assault on Damascus. They said the group was seeking to infiltrate cities by moving militants from the vast Syrian desert into urban areas, while other factions were launching attacks driven by resentment and anger towards the authorities.

“ISIS’s current strategy is based on relocating from the desert into cities, embedding itself within civilian populations, and forming new sleeper cells,” the commander, who spoke under the condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“We have the capabilities to confront the threat and dismantle their networks. We know them better than anyone else,” they added.

According to the commander, the new Syrian army has disclosed sensitive intelligence on ISIS’s renewed push to infiltrate urban centers, warning that the extremist group is adapting its tactics as it regroups across Syria.

The commander also said the army uncovered key details of ISIS’s plans after dismantling a sleeper cell in Homs several months ago.

The militants had reportedly travelled from the Syrian desert, or al-Badiya, highlighting what the commander described as “a clear strategy” by ISIS to move from remote regions into population centers.

“The cell was part of a broader effort to penetrate cities from the desert,” the commander said, adding that the group appeared to be shifting its operational base closer to Damascus and other strategic urban areas.

The revelations come in the wake of the suicide bombing that struck the Mar Elias church.

One day after the June 22 attack, Syria’s Interior Ministry announced it had carried out a “precision operation” in coordination with the General Intelligence Directorate to track and dismantle ISIS hideouts in and around Damascus, including those believed to be directly linked to the church bombing.

ISIS was preparing to launch a wide-scale, coordinated assault on several Syrian cities, starting from Homs, revealed the commander, adding that the terror group’s strategy involved seizing control of multiple neighborhoods in key urban centers simultaneously, in a surprise offensive designed to destabilize the country.

“Dismantling the sleeper cells was crucial,” the commander told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“We reinforced our military presence in Homs and its surrounding areas. It was a major preemptive blow that disrupted ISIS’s plans and helped bolster stability in Syria.”

The group's tactical goals also included targeting religious sites belonging to Alawites, Murshidis, and Christians in an attempt to embarrass the Syrian government and project a sense of insecurity across the country.

“It’s a familiar ISIS tactic used in both Syria and Iraq to inflame sectarian tensions, undermine state authority, and recruit new followers through chaos,” the commander added.

The June 22 bombing of the Orthodox Saint Mar Elias church in Damascus, which killed and injured many civilians, appears to fit this pattern. Syria’s Interior Ministry quickly blamed ISIS for the attack and later announced the arrest of several individuals it said were affiliated with the group.

While local media have reported that ISIS is stepping up efforts to rebuild its networks after a period of dormancy, independent verification of these claims remains limited.

However, intelligence gathered by the Syrian army suggests that ISIS is prioritizing urban operations and symbolic attacks on religious sites, a strategy consistent with the government’s swift attribution of the church bombing to the group.

The bombing of the Mar Elias church, the first attack of its kind targeting worshippers inside a church in the capital since 1860, has triggered both shock and competing interpretations about who was behind the deadly blast.

While many Syrians and analysts have aligned with the government’s accusation that ISIS was responsible, citing the group’s enduring threat, some well-informed sources remain skeptical. They argue that despite similarities in method, the operation does not fully align with ISIS’s known tactics or ideological playbook in Syria, particularly at this stage of its insurgency.

“ISIS has never targeted churches in this manner within its areas of influence in Syria,” a source familiar with the group’s activity told Asharq Al-Awsat. “Such attacks do not serve its goals while it's engaged in a broader war against al-Sharaa’s government.

Historically, ISIS has defiled and desecrated churches, destroying crosses, smashing altars, and raising its black flags above Christian sites. These acts were documented in parts of Deir Ezzor, rural Homs, and Idlib over the past decade.

However, the group typically targeted religious symbols in already-conquered territory, rather than staging suicide bombings in government-controlled urban centers.

Further complicating the narrative is the fact that churches have also been struck by shelling or airstrikes carried out by the previous Syrian regime, undermining the notion that religious sanctuaries were ever fully protected during the war.

Syrian authorities are stepping up efforts to sever ISIS from its former support networks, using a mix of security operations and reconciliation initiatives aimed at individuals who once backed or belonged to the group.

Mediators involved in government-led reconciliation efforts told Asharq Al-Awsat that more than 150 former ISIS affiliates who were not found to have committed crimes against civilians have renounced the group and been granted amnesty.

“These individuals chose to walk away from ISIS, and the state responded by offering a path back through forgiveness,” one mediator said, describing the initiative as part of a broader strategy to drain the group’s residual influence in previously sympathetic communities.

Another mediator, a respected tribal elder who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity, revealed that many of those pardoned had joined the state’s reconciliation efforts after receiving endorsements from local religious and tribal figures.

Observers say the policy signals a strategic shift aimed at rehabilitating former ISIS affiliates who played no direct role in civilian bloodshed. The goal, they argue, is to detach these individuals from the group’s ideological grip, strip ISIS of its remaining support base, and stem future recruitment.

“We asked the government to settle the status of former ISIS members who had no blood on their hands, to encourage others to walk away from the group,” the mediator said. “The authorities understand that continued pursuit of these individuals could push them back into ISIS’s arms.”

However, he clarified that the state remains resolute in pursuing key ISIS operatives responsible for violence against civilians and rival factions such as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. “There is no clemency for those who’ve committed acts of terror,” he said.

The reconciliation initiative runs parallel to ongoing military and intelligence operations targeting ISIS cells, as Damascus attempts to contain the group’s underground resurgence and prevent a return to widespread insurgency.



Sudanese Army Welcomes RSF Defectors

Sudanese Army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan receives Major General Al-Nour Qubba, who defected from the Rapid Support Forces. (Sovereignty Council)
Sudanese Army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan receives Major General Al-Nour Qubba, who defected from the Rapid Support Forces. (Sovereignty Council)
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Sudanese Army Welcomes RSF Defectors

Sudanese Army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan receives Major General Al-Nour Qubba, who defected from the Rapid Support Forces. (Sovereignty Council)
Sudanese Army commander Abdel Fattah al-Burhan receives Major General Al-Nour Qubba, who defected from the Rapid Support Forces. (Sovereignty Council)

Sudan’s army is increasingly absorbing defectors from the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), betting that growing divisions within the paramilitary group can help consolidate military gains in a civil war that has become one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises.

The latest sign of that strategy came last month when authorities in Khartoum granted a military rank to Ali Rizqallah, a former RSF commander who defected alongside several other senior figures. The army-backed government welcomed the move as evidence of widening cracks within the RSF.

The conflict erupted on April 15, 2023, after a power struggle between the army and RSF spiraled into open warfare. Since then, the war is believed to have killed hundreds of thousands of people, displaced millions, and fueled famine and disease across large parts of the country.

Some of the worst violence has unfolded in Darfur, an RSF stronghold where the force has been accused of committing atrocities. Alleged abuses during the group’s assault on al-Fashir last October were documented in a Reuters investigation.

Halima, a resident of Darfur now living in the town of Tawila, said she was forced to flee repeatedly as RSF fighters raided villages surrounding al-Fashir. She recounted that she witnessed women being raped and was herself whipped by RSF personnel.

Sudanese refugees from Darfur walk amidst a sandstorm at the Touloum refugee camp, amid ongoing conflict in their country, on the outskirts of the town of Iriba in Wadi Fira province, eastern Chad, November 30, 2025. (Reuters)

“My arm is covered in scars all the way down to here,” she said, pointing toward her leg as she described the marks left on her body.

Anger toward the RSF is also widespread in neighboring Kordofan. A merchant in the town of Al-Nuhud revealed that he plans to file a lawsuit over the looting of warehouses and food stores.

Speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of retaliation, he blamed the RSF for the losses. But Mohamed Salah al-Din, a member of the executive council of the Emergency Lawyers group, said such individual cases are unlikely to gain broad traction amid the turmoil of war.

“This issue cannot be addressed piecemeal,” he stated. “It requires transitional justice.”

His comments contrast with efforts already underway to prosecute alleged collaborators. Emergency Lawyers said it has documented 243 cases referred to the courts involving accusations ranging from supplying intelligence to the RSF to cooking for its fighters.

The army is also seeking to exploit tribal tensions within the RSF’s support base. Several of the group’s senior commanders come from the Arab Rizeigat tribe, where rival clans have become increasingly divided, particularly after an RSF raid earlier this year on the hometown of Musa Hilal, a powerful tribal leader aligned with the military.

Hilal belongs to the Mahamid clan, while critics accuse the RSF of operating through a tribal and ethnic hierarchy that disproportionately benefits the family of its commander, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, better known as Hemedti.

“The RSF has become the preserve of a specific group and a single family,” critics said. “The project that builds a state must be a Sudanese national project, not one based on tribal loyalties.”

The Sudanese military is hoping those divisions will trigger further defections, replicating the success it achieved in Al Jazirah State, where the 2024 defection of militia commander Abu Aqla Keikal helped shift momentum decisively in the army’s favor.


Hamas Inclined Toward ‘Positive’ Response to Mladenov Amendments Despite Internal Objections

Mourners grieve for Palestinian woman Shahd Ashour, who was killed in an Israeli airstrike on Monday in Gaza City (AP). 
Mourners grieve for Palestinian woman Shahd Ashour, who was killed in an Israeli airstrike on Monday in Gaza City (AP). 
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Hamas Inclined Toward ‘Positive’ Response to Mladenov Amendments Despite Internal Objections

Mourners grieve for Palestinian woman Shahd Ashour, who was killed in an Israeli airstrike on Monday in Gaza City (AP). 
Mourners grieve for Palestinian woman Shahd Ashour, who was killed in an Israeli airstrike on Monday in Gaza City (AP). 

Expectations are growing that Hamas and other Palestinian factions will respond positively to revised proposals put forward by Nikolay Mladenov, the senior international mediator for Gaza within the Peace Council framework, despite emerging opposition to the latest amendments he has made to a roadmap first presented to the movement in April.

Hamas and participating factions are reviewing the newest version of Mladenov’s proposals, which are intended to advance a fragile Gaza ceasefire announced in October as part of a plan introduced by US President Donald Trump. Palestinian officials accuse Israel of repeatedly violating the agreement, saying more than 1,000 Palestinians have been killed in Gaza since the truce took effect.

Two Hamas sources and a third source from another Palestinian faction involved in the negotiations criticized the amendments, arguing that they depart from key provisions of the original agreement. Their objections focus on issues including an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, implementation of the first phase of the deal, the rights of employees affiliated with the Gaza administration, reconstruction guarantees across the enclave, and the broader political framework.

The disagreements have complicated indirect talks between Israel and Palestinian factions over advancing to subsequent stages of the ceasefire agreement. Palestinian negotiators insist that Israel must fulfill first-phase commitments, including withdrawing troops from occupied areas and allowing the entry of aid and commercial goods. Israel, meanwhile, continues to press for the disarmament of Palestinian factions as a central element of the next phase.

A Hamas source based outside Gaza noted that some implementation mechanisms in the roadmap remain unclear. The movement and other factions, he said, will seek additional clarification to ensure Israel fulfills its obligations.

A factional source inside Gaza echoed those concerns, arguing that certain revisions and the removal of previously agreed provisions effectively undermine earlier understandings. “There are attempts to impose a new reality that serves Israel’s interests at the expense of Palestinian rights,” he stated.

Despite the criticism, all three sources said Hamas and the factions are generally inclined to engage constructively with the revised proposal. They are expected to submit comments and additional amendments aimed at strengthening implementation of the original agreement signed in Egypt’s Sharm el-Sheikh in October 2025. A formal response is expected within days.

According to Hamas officials, the movement’s leadership seeks to build on recent understandings reached in Cairo in order to secure a permanent end to the war and alleviate humanitarian suffering in Gaza.

A Hamas source outside the enclave said negotiators are working toward an agreement that would prevent Israel from maintaining long-term security control or creating a security vacuum by limiting weapons while continuing military operations, either directly or through armed groups that Hamas and other factions insist must be dismantled.

Meanwhile, Israeli military operations continued across Gaza. On Monday, Israeli forces killed a paramedic after targeting a vehicle in the al-Mawasi area of Khan Younis in southern Gaza. Six others were wounded.

Earlier, an Israeli strike in Gaza City’s al-Rimal neighborhood targeted a vehicle with four missiles during the busy morning rush hour. The attack killed an 11th-grade student and wounded at least eight others. A local field source said the intended target escaped after abandoning the vehicle following the first missile strike.

According to Gaza’s Health Ministry, the death toll since the ceasefire began has surpassed 1,026, with more than 3,260 people injured. The ministry says more than 73,000 people have been killed in Gaza since October 7, 2023.

 

 


New Lebanon-Israel Talks to Begin, in Shadow of US-Iran Deal

This picture taken from a position in northern Israel, near the border with Lebanon shows an Israeli military vehicle driving along a road in southern Lebanon on June 22, 2026. (AFP)
This picture taken from a position in northern Israel, near the border with Lebanon shows an Israeli military vehicle driving along a road in southern Lebanon on June 22, 2026. (AFP)
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New Lebanon-Israel Talks to Begin, in Shadow of US-Iran Deal

This picture taken from a position in northern Israel, near the border with Lebanon shows an Israeli military vehicle driving along a road in southern Lebanon on June 22, 2026. (AFP)
This picture taken from a position in northern Israel, near the border with Lebanon shows an Israeli military vehicle driving along a road in southern Lebanon on June 22, 2026. (AFP)

Lebanon heads into a new round of talks with Israel on Tuesday in Washington, with Beirut determined to press ahead with direct negotiations even as they appear to be overshadowed by Iran's decision to make Lebanon part of its negotiations with the United States.

Lebanese officials have insisted that face-to-face negotiations with Israel are the only way to secure an end to the war raging since March 2, when armed group Hezbollah fired at Israel in support of Iran and triggered Israeli air and ground attacks that have killed more than 4,000 people in Lebanon.

But four rounds of Lebanese-Israeli talks since April failed to produce a durable ceasefire. Instead, the longest lull in fighting came this week after Iran and the US agreed a memorandum of understanding that stipulated fighting would halt across all fronts, including Lebanon.

That deal buoyed Iran-backed ‌Hezbollah and dealt ‌a blow to the Lebanese state, whose leaders including President Joseph Aoun had repeatedly warned ‌that ⁠Tehran cannot negotiate ⁠on Lebanon's behalf.

A Lebanese official and two foreign officials working on Lebanon told Reuters the Iran-US deal had pulled the rug out from the Lebanese state, leaving it in its weakest position yet and throwing into question the utility of its talks with Israel this week.

The Lebanese official was skeptical that any tangible progress would come out of the negotiations, which are set to last for three days.

"There remains a fundamental problem of trust between us and the Israelis in these talks. We cannot fulfill their demands, and they reject all of ours," the official said.

LEBANON TO SEEK ISRAELI WITHDRAWAL TIMELINE

Lebanon has ⁠said that one of its key goals in the talks would be securing an ‌Israeli military withdrawal, but top Israeli officials have said that troops would ‌remain in southern Lebanon indefinitely.

The Lebanese official said that Beirut would demand Israel present a "reasonable" timetable for its withdrawal at the talks.

"This ‌is the only chance we have to generate momentum in these talks, and in this tug-of-war with Iran," ‌the official said.

Israel, meanwhile, sees the purpose of the upcoming talks as "disarming Hezbollah and achieving a genuine peace agreement" with Lebanon, according to a briefing by Israeli government spokesperson David Mencer on the eve of the new negotiations.

Mencer said the only impediment to a deal with Lebanon was Hezbollah, "which is why we believe that they should be disarmed and dismantled."

The Lebanese government has moved ‌carefully since 2025 to disarm Hezbollah without confronting the group directly, fearing it would spark a civil conflict.

Hezbollah has rejected disarming in full and has called on the ⁠government to withdraw from its ⁠direct talks with Israel.

HEZBOLLAH BETS ON IRAN AS NEGOTIATOR

Karim Safieddine, a fellow at the Washington-based Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy, told Reuters there was a risk that Israel could assume an even more hardline position in the Washington talks given its officials' anger over the US-Iran deal.

While that deal had brought relative calm to Lebanon, there was "no structural change" in the Lebanese and Israeli positions that indicated progress could be made at the negotiating table, Safieddine said.

Aoun first proposed direct talks in March, but they only began in mid-April, after the US announced a ceasefire to enable a diplomatic process that Washington said would ultimately lead to a peace deal.

Israeli air strikes on Beirut's southern suburbs then largely stopped, but fierce fighting continued in southern Lebanon as Israeli troops pushed deeper into Lebanese villages.

The US announced a new ceasefire initiative in early June again as part of the Lebanese-Israeli talks, but it was contingent on Hezbollah halting fire and was rejected by the group.

Hezbollah expects Iran to demand an Israeli withdrawal as it pursues talks with the US on a final deal, and says the Lebanese government should bet on that track instead of its direct negotiations.