Damascus Gov’t on Alert to Prevent ISIS Resurgence

Emergency services work at the scene of a suicide bombing at Mar Elias Church on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria, 22 June 2025. EPA/MOHAMMED AL RIFAI
Emergency services work at the scene of a suicide bombing at Mar Elias Church on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria, 22 June 2025. EPA/MOHAMMED AL RIFAI
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Damascus Gov’t on Alert to Prevent ISIS Resurgence

Emergency services work at the scene of a suicide bombing at Mar Elias Church on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria, 22 June 2025. EPA/MOHAMMED AL RIFAI
Emergency services work at the scene of a suicide bombing at Mar Elias Church on the outskirts of Damascus, Syria, 22 June 2025. EPA/MOHAMMED AL RIFAI

A suicide bombing that targeted the Mar Elias church in the Dweila district of Damascus has reignited debate over ISIS’s activity inside Syria, amid growing concerns that extremist groups are intensifying efforts to destabilize the government of President Ahmed al-Sharaa.

Although a lesser-known faction, Saraya Ansar al-Sunna, claimed responsibility for the attack, multiple sources say various radical groups, despite differing ideologies, are now pursuing parallel strategies to undermine the Syrian state.

A senior commander in the New Syrian Army warned of a looming ISIS plan to stage a large-scale, surprise assault on Damascus. They said the group was seeking to infiltrate cities by moving militants from the vast Syrian desert into urban areas, while other factions were launching attacks driven by resentment and anger towards the authorities.

“ISIS’s current strategy is based on relocating from the desert into cities, embedding itself within civilian populations, and forming new sleeper cells,” the commander, who spoke under the condition of anonymity, told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“We have the capabilities to confront the threat and dismantle their networks. We know them better than anyone else,” they added.

According to the commander, the new Syrian army has disclosed sensitive intelligence on ISIS’s renewed push to infiltrate urban centers, warning that the extremist group is adapting its tactics as it regroups across Syria.

The commander also said the army uncovered key details of ISIS’s plans after dismantling a sleeper cell in Homs several months ago.

The militants had reportedly travelled from the Syrian desert, or al-Badiya, highlighting what the commander described as “a clear strategy” by ISIS to move from remote regions into population centers.

“The cell was part of a broader effort to penetrate cities from the desert,” the commander said, adding that the group appeared to be shifting its operational base closer to Damascus and other strategic urban areas.

The revelations come in the wake of the suicide bombing that struck the Mar Elias church.

One day after the June 22 attack, Syria’s Interior Ministry announced it had carried out a “precision operation” in coordination with the General Intelligence Directorate to track and dismantle ISIS hideouts in and around Damascus, including those believed to be directly linked to the church bombing.

ISIS was preparing to launch a wide-scale, coordinated assault on several Syrian cities, starting from Homs, revealed the commander, adding that the terror group’s strategy involved seizing control of multiple neighborhoods in key urban centers simultaneously, in a surprise offensive designed to destabilize the country.

“Dismantling the sleeper cells was crucial,” the commander told Asharq Al-Awsat.

“We reinforced our military presence in Homs and its surrounding areas. It was a major preemptive blow that disrupted ISIS’s plans and helped bolster stability in Syria.”

The group's tactical goals also included targeting religious sites belonging to Alawites, Murshidis, and Christians in an attempt to embarrass the Syrian government and project a sense of insecurity across the country.

“It’s a familiar ISIS tactic used in both Syria and Iraq to inflame sectarian tensions, undermine state authority, and recruit new followers through chaos,” the commander added.

The June 22 bombing of the Orthodox Saint Mar Elias church in Damascus, which killed and injured many civilians, appears to fit this pattern. Syria’s Interior Ministry quickly blamed ISIS for the attack and later announced the arrest of several individuals it said were affiliated with the group.

While local media have reported that ISIS is stepping up efforts to rebuild its networks after a period of dormancy, independent verification of these claims remains limited.

However, intelligence gathered by the Syrian army suggests that ISIS is prioritizing urban operations and symbolic attacks on religious sites, a strategy consistent with the government’s swift attribution of the church bombing to the group.

The bombing of the Mar Elias church, the first attack of its kind targeting worshippers inside a church in the capital since 1860, has triggered both shock and competing interpretations about who was behind the deadly blast.

While many Syrians and analysts have aligned with the government’s accusation that ISIS was responsible, citing the group’s enduring threat, some well-informed sources remain skeptical. They argue that despite similarities in method, the operation does not fully align with ISIS’s known tactics or ideological playbook in Syria, particularly at this stage of its insurgency.

“ISIS has never targeted churches in this manner within its areas of influence in Syria,” a source familiar with the group’s activity told Asharq Al-Awsat. “Such attacks do not serve its goals while it's engaged in a broader war against al-Sharaa’s government.

Historically, ISIS has defiled and desecrated churches, destroying crosses, smashing altars, and raising its black flags above Christian sites. These acts were documented in parts of Deir Ezzor, rural Homs, and Idlib over the past decade.

However, the group typically targeted religious symbols in already-conquered territory, rather than staging suicide bombings in government-controlled urban centers.

Further complicating the narrative is the fact that churches have also been struck by shelling or airstrikes carried out by the previous Syrian regime, undermining the notion that religious sanctuaries were ever fully protected during the war.

Syrian authorities are stepping up efforts to sever ISIS from its former support networks, using a mix of security operations and reconciliation initiatives aimed at individuals who once backed or belonged to the group.

Mediators involved in government-led reconciliation efforts told Asharq Al-Awsat that more than 150 former ISIS affiliates who were not found to have committed crimes against civilians have renounced the group and been granted amnesty.

“These individuals chose to walk away from ISIS, and the state responded by offering a path back through forgiveness,” one mediator said, describing the initiative as part of a broader strategy to drain the group’s residual influence in previously sympathetic communities.

Another mediator, a respected tribal elder who spoke to Asharq Al-Awsat on condition of anonymity, revealed that many of those pardoned had joined the state’s reconciliation efforts after receiving endorsements from local religious and tribal figures.

Observers say the policy signals a strategic shift aimed at rehabilitating former ISIS affiliates who played no direct role in civilian bloodshed. The goal, they argue, is to detach these individuals from the group’s ideological grip, strip ISIS of its remaining support base, and stem future recruitment.

“We asked the government to settle the status of former ISIS members who had no blood on their hands, to encourage others to walk away from the group,” the mediator said. “The authorities understand that continued pursuit of these individuals could push them back into ISIS’s arms.”

However, he clarified that the state remains resolute in pursuing key ISIS operatives responsible for violence against civilians and rival factions such as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham. “There is no clemency for those who’ve committed acts of terror,” he said.

The reconciliation initiative runs parallel to ongoing military and intelligence operations targeting ISIS cells, as Damascus attempts to contain the group’s underground resurgence and prevent a return to widespread insurgency.



Egypt Pushes for Deeper Economic Ties with Qatar

Photo from  the Egyptian–Qatari Business Forum in Cairo on Sunday (Egyptian Ministry of Investment) 
Photo from  the Egyptian–Qatari Business Forum in Cairo on Sunday (Egyptian Ministry of Investment) 
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Egypt Pushes for Deeper Economic Ties with Qatar

Photo from  the Egyptian–Qatari Business Forum in Cairo on Sunday (Egyptian Ministry of Investment) 
Photo from  the Egyptian–Qatari Business Forum in Cairo on Sunday (Egyptian Ministry of Investment) 

Egypt has signaled a new push to deepen economic cooperation with Qatar, announcing a set of investment facilitation measures aimed at boosting bilateral trade and attracting Qatari capital. The announcement came during the Egyptian–Qatari Business Forum held in Cairo on Sunday.

Egypt’s Minister of Investment and Foreign Trade, Hassan ElKhatib, said that a specialized committee would be established to streamline investment and trade procedures between the two countries. Experts view the move as a clear indication of the evolving economic partnership between Cairo and Doha.

ElKhatib inaugurated the forum alongside Ahmad bin Mohammed Al-Sayed, Qatar’s Minister of State for Foreign Trade, with wide participation from business leaders and private-sector representatives from both countries.

Bilateral relations have gained renewed strength following President Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi’s visit to Doha in April, during which Qatar announced a $7.5 billion package of direct investments to support its economic partnership with Egypt.

According to ElKhatib, Qatari investments in Egypt currently stand at around $3.2 billion, distributed across more than 266 companies operating in sectors including finance, industry, and tourism. He added that bilateral trade reached $143 million during the first ten months of the current year, up from $80 million in 2023 — an increase of nearly 80 percent.

The minister said relations with Qatar received a significant boost following Al-Sisi’s visit, which paved the way for new investment projects, led by developments on Egypt’s northwestern Mediterranean coast.

To further support Qatari investors, El-Khatib announced the creation of the specialized facilitation committee to help remove obstacles facing companies and enhance overall economic cooperation, underscoring Egypt’s intent to elevate ties with Qatar to a more strategic level.

Qatar’s Minister of State for Foreign Trade emphasized the importance of strengthening economic partnerships with Cairo, highlighting the private sector’s role in driving growth and creating new investment opportunities. He noted that sustained cooperation between companies in both countries enhances knowledge exchange and enables high-quality investments that support sustainable development.

Former Egyptian Assistant Foreign Minister Ambassador Youssef El-Sharkawy said Egyptian–Qatari relations have entered a new phase of political and economic cooperation. He told Asharq Al-Awsat that economic collaboration has become the main engine of strategic partnership, particularly through investments in the North Coast, the Suez Canal Economic Zone, and key sectors such as tourism, industry, and real estate.

Economist Walid Gaballah, a member of the Egyptian Association for Economy and Legislation, said the forum serves as a practical mechanism for activating Qatar’s investment commitments in Egypt, especially in tourism, agriculture, technology, and industry. He added that improved investment conditions have already contributed to rising trade volumes.

According to Egypt’s Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics, bilateral trade between Egypt and Qatar totaled $128.4 million last year. Observers noted that the deepening economic relationship coincides with closer regional coordination between Cairo and Doha, including joint efforts to promote de-escalation and stability in the region.

 

 


Political Tensions between Lebanon and Iran Reach New Heights

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (center), Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi (left) and Iranian FM Abbas Araqchi meet in Lebanon in June. (Lebanese Presidency)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (center), Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi (left) and Iranian FM Abbas Araqchi meet in Lebanon in June. (Lebanese Presidency)
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Political Tensions between Lebanon and Iran Reach New Heights

Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (center), Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi (left) and Iranian FM Abbas Araqchi meet in Lebanon in June. (Lebanese Presidency)
Lebanese President Joseph Aoun (center), Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi (left) and Iranian FM Abbas Araqchi meet in Lebanon in June. (Lebanese Presidency)

Tensions between Lebanon and Iran have reached unprecedented levels, reflecting a shift in how Beirut views its ties with Tehran, especially when it comes to Hezbollah’s arsenal and Iranian meddling in Lebanese internal affairs.

The tensions are not just playing out in the media, but in official positions taken by Lebanon’s top officials.

The latest example was Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Raggi’s announcement last week that he was declining an invitation by his Iranian counterpart Abbas Araqchi to visit Tehran. He instead proposed meeting in a neutral country.

An official Lebanese source told Asharq Al-Awsat that Raggi’s position does not stem from his personal views, but from a “clear political stance that Lebanese-Iranian relations cannot go back on track if they are not based on equality.

Iran must only limit its dealings in Lebanon to the state and no other party, namely Hezbollah, it added.

The root of the crisis lies in Iran’s absolute support for Hezbollah and how Tehran views it as an extension of its Revolutionary Guards Corps, an entity that exists parallel to the Lebanese state and even violates its jurisdiction in taking decisions of war and peace.

Speaking on condition of anonymity, the source warned that Iran maintaining this position towards Lebanon, “complicates the situation inside Lebanon and exposes the country to a new war with Israel.”

Lebanon cannot withstand such a new conflict, it added.

Araqchi on Thursday said he would visit Lebanon after Raggi issued a formal invitation.

Raggi was not the only senior Lebanese official to take issue with Iran. Earlier this year, President Joseph Aoun refused to meet with Secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council Ali Larijani while he was visiting Beirut.

The source said the refusal was a “direct message that the Lebanese state no longer tolerates parallel channels or relations that go beyond formal and constitutional levels.”

“This is the Lebanese state’s official position,” it stressed. “Iran will be welcomed if its changes the way it approaches Lebanon, whereby relations should be between official and constitutional institutions. Both countries should be equals, not with one being subordinate to the other.”

Earlier in 2025, Aoun received Iranian Speaker of the Shura Council Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, informing him that Lebanon has “grown weary” of other countries “waging their wars on its territory.”

“It is about time that the Lebanese people are relieved of wars and tragedies,” he said, referring to the “support war” Hezbollah had launched in 2023 in solidarity with Hamas in Gaza with Iran’s backing.

On Sunday, Iranian foreign ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei renewed Tehran’s call on Beirut to hold dialogue.

“Iran would rather avoid making statements that would distract Lebanon from focusing on its sovereignty and territorial integrity. The real danger against Lebanon’s sovereignty and dignity are Israel’s ambitions and hegemony,” he remarked.

Meanwhile, a senior adviser to Iran's supreme leader, Ali Akbar Velayati, declared that Tehran will continue to support Hezbollah.

Meeting with Hezbollah representative in Tehran, Abdullah Safieddine, he described the party as one of “the most important pillars of the Resistance Axis.”

Hezbollah is playing a “fundamental role in confronting Zionism,” he added.

Such statements demonstrate how Iran views Hezbollah’s arsenal as part of Tehran's regional security system, not as an issue related to Lebanon’s sovereignty.

The Lebanese government earlier this year took a landmark decision to impose state monopoly over arms, which effectively calls on Hezbollah to lay down its weapons.

Another adviser to Iran’s supreme leader, Ali Shamkhani, had previously openly declared that efforts to disarm Hezbollah “will fail.”

“These arms are those of the Lebanese people to defend their territory against Israel,” he added, rejecting any discussions about handing them over to the Lebanese state.

The official Lebanese source stressed that “there can be no going back” from the decision to impose state monopoly over arms.

“The internal and external objections will not change the state’s policy that has taken the decision to impose its authority throughout Lebanon,” it continued.


Seven Killed in Drone Strike on Hospital in Sudan's Restive Kordofan Region

The Sudanese flag flutters in Omdurman, part of greater Khartoum on December 13, 2025. Since April 2023 war has raged between the Sudanese regular army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), killing tens of thousands of people and created one of the world's worst humanitarian crises. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)
The Sudanese flag flutters in Omdurman, part of greater Khartoum on December 13, 2025. Since April 2023 war has raged between the Sudanese regular army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), killing tens of thousands of people and created one of the world's worst humanitarian crises. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)
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Seven Killed in Drone Strike on Hospital in Sudan's Restive Kordofan Region

The Sudanese flag flutters in Omdurman, part of greater Khartoum on December 13, 2025. Since April 2023 war has raged between the Sudanese regular army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), killing tens of thousands of people and created one of the world's worst humanitarian crises. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)
The Sudanese flag flutters in Omdurman, part of greater Khartoum on December 13, 2025. Since April 2023 war has raged between the Sudanese regular army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), killing tens of thousands of people and created one of the world's worst humanitarian crises. (Photo by Ebrahim Hamid / AFP)

A drone strike Sunday on an army hospital in the besieged southern Sudan city of Dilling left "seven civilians dead and 12 injured", a health worker at the facility told AFP.

The victims included patients and their companions, the medic said on condition of anonymity, explaining that the army hospital "serves the residents of the city and its surroundings, in addition to military personnel".

Dilling, in the flashpoint state of South Kordofan, is controlled by the Sudanese army but is besieged by rival paramilitary forces.

The greater Kordofan region is currently facing the fiercest fighting in Sudan's war between the army and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), as both seek to wrest control of the massive southern region.

The RSF controls swathes of Kordofan along with their allies, the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-North (SPLM-N) faction led by Abdelaziz al-Hilu, which has a historic foothold in the region's Nuba Mountains.

Together, the forces have besieged the region's key cities with army divisions, including Dilling and South Kordofan state capital Kadugli, some 120 kilometers (75 miles) south.

Famine has gripped Kadugli since September, according to the UN, which estimates Dilling is suffering the same conditions, but a lack of access to data has prevented an official declaration.

Sunday's strike comes a day after a drone strike on a United Nations peacekeeping base killed six Bangladeshi troops in Kadugli.

- Wider attack -

Last week, SPLM-N said the capture of Dilling and Kadugli was "only a matter of time", urging the army and its allied militias to withdraw.

The RSF, emboldened by its seizure of the army's last holdout position in Darfur in October, has pushed through Kordofan in an attempt to capture the country's central corridor.

The UN has repeatedly warned the region is in danger of witnessing a repeat of the atrocities that unfolded in North Darfur state capital El-Fasher, including mass killing, abductions and sexual violence.

Paramilitaries have set their sights on Kadugli, Dilling and North Kordofan state capital El-Obeid, which lie on a north-south axis between the South Sudan border and the capital Khartoum.

El-Obeid also lies on a key highway that connects Darfur to Khartoum, which the army recaptured in March.

With the RSF in control of all of Darfur's major cities, Sudan is effectively split in two.

The army holds the center, east and north, while the RSF and its allies control the west and parts of the south.

Across the country, the war has killed tens of thousands of people, displaced 12 million and created the world's largest hunger and displacement crises.