Why Israeli Special Forces Are Abducting Some Gazans

Smoke rises after a military operation in Gaza City on Thursday (Reuters)
Smoke rises after a military operation in Gaza City on Thursday (Reuters)
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Why Israeli Special Forces Are Abducting Some Gazans

Smoke rises after a military operation in Gaza City on Thursday (Reuters)
Smoke rises after a military operation in Gaza City on Thursday (Reuters)

Israel’s elite undercover units “Mista’arvim,” known locally as “musta’arabun,” have stepped up operations deep inside Gaza’s residential areas, carrying out a string of abductions of Palestinians - members of Hamas and other factions as well as civilians, family members and field sources said.

Kidnappings of prominent Palestinians have become recurring, the most recent involving nurse Tasneem al-Hams, the daughter of Dr. Marwan al-Hams, who was seized by a similar force on July 21 and remains in custody, the family said.

In a statement on Thursday morning the al-Hams family said Tasneem was taken from the vicinity of a field hospital in the Mawasi area of Khan Younis, in southern Gaza close to where her father was abducted.

The family condemned the new seizure and accused an armed group linked to Yasser Abu Shabab, who calls his faction the “Popular Forces,” of taking part in an operation carried out by Israeli special forces.

Neither the reasons for the father’s abduction nor for the daughter’s seizure - more than two months after the first incident - have been disclosed.

Some sources link the two cases to other similar operations in recent weeks and say most abductions appear aimed at people who may have information connected to the fate of Israeli hostages.

“Did they treat Israeli hostages?” Sources inside and outside Hamas, when asked, would not say definitively that Dr. al-Hams or his daughter had treated Israeli hostages.

But they did not rule out that possibility to Asharq Al-Awsat, suggesting Israel might be seeking information on the whereabouts or conditions of hostages who may have been treated in Gaza hospitals after the Oct. 7, 2023 attacks, when some wounded were transferred to public hospitals.

Field sources tied Tasneem’s arrest to Israeli interrogations of her father about issues that remain unclear because neither his family nor Hamas sources have relevant information, they added.

Al-Hams is a Gaza Health Ministry official affiliated with the Hamas government - responsible for field hospitals and their spokesman - a role that only emerged during the war as those facilities proliferated. Before the conflict he was head of Abu Yusuf al-Najjar Hospital; his house was struck.

Repeated abductions, sources say, show Israeli special forces, with help from various armed groups across the strip, are abducting faction members both inside and outside hospitals.

About 45 days ago, a special unit abducted the husband of a senior Islamic Jihad leader’s daughter in Deir al-Balah in central Gaza; a drone strike killed the husband’s son in the same operation. The forces then dumped the abductee’s identity card and belongings at the site of an attack on a civilian vehicle that had two Palestinians with no links to any faction.

Field sources said the leader’s son-in-law had at one point dealt with an Israeli hostage who appeared in a video recently looking malnourished, and that the raid also aimed to push the senior leader out of his hideout, an effort that failed. The movement immediately moved its hostage elsewhere because of the son-in-law’s security knowledge, the sources said.

In under 20 days, an Israeli special unit abducted three activists from the al-Qassam Brigades from the al-Nasser neighborhood and the Al-Shati refugee camp, two of whom were reportedly involved in guarding Israeli detainees, and a third who worked as a mail correspondent for the Qassam intelligence apparatus.

Sources said the abductions occurred separately and were followed by Israeli warplanes striking several houses where Israeli hostages had been held.

They added that Israel appeared to have obtained from one captive a plan drawn up by the “Al-Shati Battalion” to resist an incursion into the camp, prompting Israeli ground troops to avoid routes that might be booby-trapped and facilitating advances toward the camp.

Ground forces remain operating around the northern edges of the camp and Israel has carried out multiple air strikes on houses and other targets, the sources said.

Some recent special-forces operations that seized activists from Hamas and Islamic Jihad led to targeted killings of others, including leaders said to have taken part in the Oct. 7 attack, those who supervised the movement of detainees, and figures who participated in celebratory handovers of captives during the last ceasefire that began in January and lasted more than two months.

The Israeli military has announced the killings of a Hamas commander in central Gaza and a deputy leader south of Gaza City. It also announced killing others accused of involvement in kidnapping and holding Israeli hostages or taking part in handover celebrations.

Analysts say Israel’s abduction campaign appears aimed at extracting as much information as possible about remaining hostages in Gaza and, where feasible, recovering survivors. While largely unable so far to recover living hostages, Israeli forces have recovered some bodies following abductions of faction activists.

Field sources told Asharq al-Awsat three weeks ago that Israeli special units had intensified their activities inside Gaza in recent months, helping to identify and surveil locations and monitor movements, with the help of collaborators who watched houses and other sites to learn who frequented them.

Some collaborators were captured and confessed, the sources said, and field measures were taken against them after interrogation. They added that the units had planted cameras and eavesdropping devices to spy on activists, civilians and places, including hospitals, to track visitors, and that many such devices had been uncovered recently.

Hamas’s al-Qassam Brigades and its intelligence arm have been closely following attempts by the special units to operate more freely, the sources said, and “strict orders” were issued to faction fighters to be vigilant and to carry light arms and hand grenades to confront any such threat.



Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
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Ali Shaath Appointed Head of Gaza Administration Committee: What Do We Know About Him?

Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 
Palestinian Ali Shaath, the leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Gaza Administration Committee (photo released by his family). 

Mediators from Egypt, Qatar, and Türkiye announced on Wednesday the formation of a Palestinian technocratic committee to administer the Gaza Strip, headed by Ali Shaath. The move follows changes to the committee’s membership and broader political maneuvering that point to an imminent transfer of governance from Hamas.

Earlier on Wednesday, US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff announced the launch of “Phase Two of President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan to end the conflict in Gaza,” saying it marks a shift “from a ceasefire to disarmament, technocratic governance, and reconstruction.”

The plan calls for the establishment of a technocratic body to oversee governmental and civilian affairs in Gaza as an alternative to Hamas rule.

While several well-known figures had previously been mentioned as potential leaders, Gaza residents and observers were surprised by the emergence of new names. Among those reported by Asharq Al-Awsat on Tuesday evening was Ali Shaath, who has since emerged as the leading candidate to chair the committee.

Who Is Ali Shaath?

Ali Shaath was born in 1958 in Khan Younis, southern Gaza, into a prominent Palestinian family and large clan with a long record of national and political engagement. Many members of his family are affiliated with Fatah.

He earned a bachelor’s degree in civil engineering from Ain Shams University in Cairo in 1982, a master’s degree in 1986, and a PhD in civil engineering from Queen’s University in the United Kingdom in 1989, specializing in infrastructure planning and urban development.

Shaath has held several senior posts within the Palestinian Authority and is widely regarded as a technical expert rather than a political figure. Early in the Authority’s formation, he served as deputy to then–Minister of Planning and International Cooperation Nabil Shaath, helping draft strategic development plans for a future Palestinian state.

He later served as undersecretary at the Ministry of Transport, overseeing major infrastructure and road projects. He went on to lead the Palestinian Industrial Estates and Free Zones Authority, chair the Palestinian Housing Council, head the Palestinian Ports Authority, and advise the Palestinian Economic Council for Development and Reconstruction (PECDAR). Most recently, despite retirement, he served as an adviser to the Ministry of Housing and Public Works.

Politically, Shaath participated in final-status negotiation committees in 2005 and contributed as a technical expert on border and maritime access issues. His background in economic development and postwar reconstruction appears to have positioned him to lead the technocratic committee.

Sources close to the Shaath family told Asharq Al-Awsat that he has lived in the West Bank for years, including before the Gaza war, and has consistently avoided factional politics, focusing instead on technical and professional roles.


Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
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Israel Seeks to Cement Status Quo of Its New Occupation in Syria

Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 
Members of Israel’s special reserve unit “Alpine Mountains” during training on Mount Hermon in Syria (Israeli army) 

A senior Israeli official has acknowledged that disagreements with Syria remain “very deep,” dismissing what the United States has described as a positive atmosphere surrounding negotiations. “The reality is quite different,” the official said.

The remarks indicate that Israel intends to preserve the current situation created by its recent occupation of Syrian territory and rejects any withdrawal, not only from Mount Hermon but also from the nine positions it established following the collapse of Bashar al-Assad’s regime.

Israel has reportedly set far-reaching conditions in return, including barring Syria from deploying anti-aircraft missiles.

According to a report by Maariv political correspondent Anna Barsky, intensive talks held in Paris over two days last week, involving representatives from Israel, Syria, and the United States, produced only a limited outcome.

The discussions resulted in an agreement to establish a coordination mechanism aimed at preventing field-level friction, to be managed with active US involvement, but fell short of any broader political or security breakthrough.

Barsky wrote that there is currently no possibility of reaching a security agreement between Israel and Syria. While she cited Syria’s demand for an Israeli withdrawal from Syrian Mount Hermon as the main obstacle, the report suggests that Israel’s own demands are the primary factor blocking progress.

According to the senior official, Israel’s conditions include maintaining the new reality that emerged after Assad’s downfall in December 2024. This includes areas formerly designated as a UN-monitored buffer zone, an additional strip deeper along the border covering about 450 square kilometers, and all the peaks of Mount Hermon.

Israel is also seeking to strip the Syrian army of what it defines as strategic weapons, including advanced anti-aircraft systems or any arms that could disrupt the existing military balance. In addition, it demands that no foreign forces be present in Syria if they could restrict the Israeli army’s freedom of movement, specifically Russian or Turkish forces.

The report noted that the US administration, while pressing both sides to advance toward security understandings, supports Israeli demands it considers essential to Israel’s security, particularly remaining on Mount Hermon, though Washington is expected to propose compromise arrangements.

At the same time, Barsky reported growing concern in Tel Aviv over a parallel Syrian track: efforts by Damascus to coordinate with Moscow to redeploy Russian military forces in Syria, especially in the south.

Israel views such a move as a direct threat to its operational freedom and has worked to thwart initiatives aimed at restoring a Russian presence there. According to Maariv, Israel has conveyed a firm message to Damascus, Moscow, and Washington that it will not tolerate Russian forces in southern Syria.

The newspaper linked this stance to past experience, noting that while Russia maintained two main bases in Syria - Hmeimim Air Base and the naval facility in Tartus - it also deployed military police and observation posts near the disengagement zone in the south. Israel believes a return to that model would impose new operational constraints and alter the rules of engagement.

Although Russia’s footprint in Syria shrank after Assad’s fall, Israeli assessments suggest Moscow is seeking, in coordination with Syria’s new authorities, to rebuild its influence despite its preoccupation with the war in Ukraine.

The report said that both Moscow and Damascus view a Russian presence in southern Syria as strategically valuable, particularly as a means of constraining Israel.

 

 


Hezbollah Raises Civil War Threat Over Disarmament Plan

Hezbollah members take an oath in front of a monument to Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in Beirut in 2022 (AP file photo)
Hezbollah members take an oath in front of a monument to Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in Beirut in 2022 (AP file photo)
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Hezbollah Raises Civil War Threat Over Disarmament Plan

Hezbollah members take an oath in front of a monument to Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in Beirut in 2022 (AP file photo)
Hezbollah members take an oath in front of a monument to Iranian General Qassem Soleimani in Beirut in 2022 (AP file photo)

Hezbollah escalated its response to Lebanese President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam over plans to press ahead with restricting weapons to the state and extending the move to areas north of the Litani River, raising the specter of civil war as tensions over the issue intensify.

Mahmoud Qamati, vice president of Hezbollah’s political council, said in a televised interview that statements by the president and prime minister on confining weapons north of the Litani meant the government was heading toward chaos and instability, and toward an internal situation that no one would accept, possibly even a civil war.

The government last week tasked the Lebanese army commander, during a cabinet session, with preparing a plan to restrict weapons north of the Litani, after announcing that the objectives of the first phase of the plan to confine arms to the state south of the river had been achieved.

Qamati’s Position

Hezbollah says that before any discussion begins on the fate of its weapons outside the area south of the river, Israel must stop violating Lebanese sovereignty, withdraw from points it occupies, and release prisoners.

Qamati said on Tuesday that some parties were insisting on implementing foreign dictates and offering concessions to Israel for free and without any return.

He added that the army’s role was not to protect Israel from any military action from Lebanon, but to confront Israel, which he said occupies Lebanese territory.

Accusing some members of the government of collusion to implement a US-Israeli plan for personal calculations, Qamati called for a return to reason, wisdom, and “Lebanese-Lebanese dialogue”.

War Against Whom?

Lebanese Industry Minister Joe Issa El-Khoury expressed surprise at Hezbollah’s threat of a civil war, asking between whom such a war would take place, between an illegitimate armed group and the legitimate army.

Civil wars, he said, usually erupt between illegitimate armed groups, warning that if Hezbollah did not hand over its weapons, other unarmed groups might rearm on the grounds that the army was unable to protect them.

Speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat, El-Khoury said it was unacceptable for one group alone to be armed to fight Israel, adding that Lebanon either builds a state together or looks for other projects. While the region was moving forward with strong momentum, he said, Lebanon was moving backward.

El-Khoury said the army’s forthcoming plan to restrict weapons north of the Litani should not include multiple phases, but rather a single phase running until the end of March.

He stressed that linking implementation to the army’s capabilities and resources was misplaced.

He recalled that the strongest militia after the civil war was the Lebanese Forces, which later committed to building the state and handed over its weapons to the army, thereby eliminating the need for army deployment in areas where the group had been present.

That, he said, was what should happen today with Hezbollah.

Party Warning

Sources familiar with Hezbollah’s internal thinking told Asharq Al-Awsat that the group did not want a clash with the army, and that the army did not intend to seize weapons by force.

The warning issued by Qamati, they said, was directed at political forces pushing for disarmament by force. The sources added that the current moves were an attempt to create the right conditions to reach a consensus solution to the issue.

Remarks by Rajji

Hezbollah’s veiled threats of civil war coincided with a fierce campaign by lawmakers from the Shiite duo, Amal and Hezbollah, against Lebanese Foreign Minister Youssef Rajji.

In a televised interview, Rajji said that the ceasefire declaration approved by the government provided for Hezbollah’s weapons to be confined in return for a halt to Israeli attacks, and that as long as the weapons were not fully confined, Israel, unfortunately, had the right to continue its attacks.

Hezbollah lawmaker Ali Ammar described the remarks as dangerous, saying they required a clear and firm stance from the president and prime minister, as well as a halt to such statements, which he said inflamed internal divisions and served only to benefit the enemy.

Qassem Hashem, a member of the Development and Liberation bloc, said Rajji’s comments went beyond impropriety to justifying Israeli aggression against Lebanon, calling it a violation of sovereignty and a blow to national dignity.

He said the remarks should not pass without accountability in cabinet, and that in a fully sovereign state, the minister would be dismissed.

Another lawmaker from the bloc, Mohammed Khawaja, asked the president and prime minister whether Rajji was truly Lebanon’s foreign minister, accusing him of focusing on finding justifications for Israel.

In response, El-Khoury told Asharq Al-Awsat that Rajji’s remarks reflected the government’s position, not a personal view.

He said the agreement approved by Hezbollah listed the parties authorized to carry weapons and did not include Hezbollah, meaning that the group’s insistence on keeping its arms constituted a breach of the agreement and provided Israel with a pretext to refuse to implement its provisions.