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Hamas Fights Back Against Gaza Foes, Casting Doubt on Disarmament Demand

Hamas fighters keep guard as Red Cross vehicles transport hostages, held in Gaza since the deadly October 7, 2023 attack, following their handover as part of a ceasefire and hostages-prisoners swap deal between Hamas and Israel, in Gaza City October 13, 2025. (Reuters)
Hamas fighters keep guard as Red Cross vehicles transport hostages, held in Gaza since the deadly October 7, 2023 attack, following their handover as part of a ceasefire and hostages-prisoners swap deal between Hamas and Israel, in Gaza City October 13, 2025. (Reuters)
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Hamas Fights Back Against Gaza Foes, Casting Doubt on Disarmament Demand

Hamas fighters keep guard as Red Cross vehicles transport hostages, held in Gaza since the deadly October 7, 2023 attack, following their handover as part of a ceasefire and hostages-prisoners swap deal between Hamas and Israel, in Gaza City October 13, 2025. (Reuters)
Hamas fighters keep guard as Red Cross vehicles transport hostages, held in Gaza since the deadly October 7, 2023 attack, following their handover as part of a ceasefire and hostages-prisoners swap deal between Hamas and Israel, in Gaza City October 13, 2025. (Reuters)

A greatly weakened Hamas has sought to reassert itself in Gaza since a ceasefire took hold, killing dozens of people in a crackdown on groups that have tested its grip and appearing to get a US nod to temporarily police the shattered enclave. 

Pummeled by Israel during the war ignited by the October 7, 2023 attacks, Hamas has gradually sent its men back into the streets of Gaza since the ceasefire began on Friday, moving cautiously in case it suddenly collapses, according to two security sources in the territory. 

On Monday, Hamas deployed members of its Qassam Brigades military wing as it freed the last living hostages seized two years ago. It was a reminder of one of the major challenges facing US President Donald Trump's effort to secure a lasting deal for Gaza, as the US, Israel and many other nations demand Hamas disarm. 

Reuters footage showed dozens of Hamas fighters lined up at a hospital in southern Gaza, one wearing a shoulder patch identifying him as a member of the elite "Shadow Unit" that Hamas sources say was tasked with guarding hostages. 

TEMPORARY POLICING ROLE? 

Trump's plan foresees Hamas out of power in a demilitarized Gaza run by a Palestinian committee under international supervision. It calls for the deployment of an international stabilization mission that will train and support a Palestinian police force. 

But Trump, speaking on his way to the Middle East, suggested Hamas had been given a temporary green light to police Gaza. 

"They do want to stop the problems, and they've been open about it, and we gave them approval for a period of time," he said, responding to a journalist's question about reports that Hamas was shooting rivals and instituting itself as a police force. 

After the ceasefire took effect, Ismail Al-Thawabta, head of Hamas' Gaza government media office, told Reuters the group would not allow a security vacuum and that it would maintain public safety and property. 

Hamas has ruled out any discussion of its arsenal, saying it would be ready to surrender its arms to a future Palestinian state. The group has said it seeks no role in Gaza's future governing body, but that this should be agreed upon by Palestinians with no foreign control. 

INTERNAL CONFLICT WITH CLANS 

As the war dragged on, a diminished Hamas faced growing internal challenges to its control of Gaza from groups with which it has long been at odds, often affiliated with clans. 

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said earlier this year that Israel had been arming clans that oppose Hamas, without identifying them. 

One of the Gaza sources, a security official, said that since the ceasefire, Hamas forces had killed 32 members of "a gang affiliated with a family in Gaza City", while six of its personnel had also been killed. 

The Gaza City clashes mostly pitted Hamas against members of the Doghmosh clan, residents and Hamas sources said. 

The security official did not identify the group, nor say whether it was one of those suspected of receiving support from Israel. 

The most prominent anti-Hamas clan leader is Yasser Abu Shabab, who is based in the Rafah area - an area from which Israel has yet to withdraw. 

Offering attractive salaries, his group has recruited hundreds of fighters, a source close to Abu Shabab told Reuters earlier this year. Hamas calls him a collaborator with Israel, which he denies. 

The Gaza security official said that separately to the clashes in Gaza City, Hamas security forces had killed Abu Shabab's "right-hand man" and efforts were underway to kill Abu Shabab himself. 

Abu Shabab did not immediately respond to questions on the official's comments. Reuters could not immediately verify the claim that his aide had been killed. 

Hussam al-Astal, another anti-Hamas figure based in Khan Younis in areas controlled by Israel, taunted the group in a video message on Sunday, saying that once it hands over the hostages, its role and rule in Gaza would be over. 

Palestinian analyst Reham Owda said Hamas actions aimed to deter groups that had collaborated with Israel and contributed to insecurity during the war. Hamas also aimed to show that its security officers should be part of a new government, though this would be rejected by Israel, she said. 

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Arab World

Sudanese Army Expands Control in North Kordofan

Sudanese army soldiers take part in a military parade in Gedaref on August 17 (AFP). 
Sudanese army soldiers take part in a military parade in Gedaref on August 17 (AFP). 
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Sudanese Army Expands Control in North Kordofan

Sudanese army soldiers take part in a military parade in Gedaref on August 17 (AFP). 
Sudanese army soldiers take part in a military parade in Gedaref on August 17 (AFP). 

The Sudanese army said Friday it had recaptured the strategic town of Al-Mazroub in North Kordofan, a week after retaking Sodari, as a deadly drone strike on student housing in the state capital, El-Obeid, highlighted the growing use of unmanned aircraft in the conflict.

The developments come as the UN Security Council prepares for fresh negotiations over a US proposal to extend the arms embargo on Darfur to all of Sudan.

In a statement, the army’s General Command said its troops and allied forces had retaken Al-Mazroub after “fierce battles,” inflicting heavy casualties and vehicle losses on the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

The army pledged to continue operations on all fronts, protect civilians and secure property, urging residents of recaptured areas to resume their normal lives.

Mohamed Deidan, spokesman for the Special Operations Forces in North Kordofan, announced on Facebook that army troops had entered Al-Mazroub at 9 a.m. Friday, a development corroborated by field sources.

Located about 130 kilometers northwest of El-Obeid, Al-Mazroub is an important livestock market that has also served as a military supply route during the war. It had long been under RSF control.

Witnesses reported that RSF fighters withdrew from the town in September but returned after the army captured Sodari, before retreating again as government forces advanced Friday morning.

Holding Al-Mazroub strengthens the army’s ability to monitor movements west of Bara and restrict the town’s use as a transit and supply hub. Consolidating the gain, however, depends on securing surrounding roads and rural areas.

The advance follows recent army gains in Sodari, Um Sharo, Bara, Jabra al-Sheikh and Um Sayala. Field reports indicated that RSF units had retreated toward Um Badr, Hamrat al-Sheikh and the state’s far west, although their current positions remain independently unverified.

Kordofan’s strategic importance stems from its location linking central Sudan to Darfur, making control of its towns and roads critical to troop movements and supply lines.

Meanwhile, the Sudan Doctors Network reported that five people were killed and 47 wounded in a drone strike on University of Kordofan student housing in El-Obeid.

The network blamed the RSF, describing the attack as an escalation in strikes against civilian and educational facilities.

The paramilitary group made no immediate comment, and responsibility for the strike could not be independently established.

El-Obeid has faced repeated drone attacks in recent weeks, reflecting the weapon’s growing use alongside ground operations.

Burhan addresses military recruits

In Khartoum, Sudan’s Sovereignty Council chairman and army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan told newly admitted military academy recruits that the armed forces must safeguard the country’s security and unity, with loyalty transcending political, tribal and regional affiliations.

He described the army as a national institution serving all Sudanese and urged recruits to develop their military and technical skills to keep pace with advances in weaponry and equipment.

The Security Council is expected to revisit Sudan sanctions before the current temporary extension expires on October 9.

In September, disagreements over a US proposal to expand the Darfur arms embargo nationwide forced the council to extend the existing measures by just one month.

Washington also seeks tighter restrictions on weapons, drones, related technology and foreign fighters, while Russia and China have expressed reservations about widening the embargo.

Sudan’s government opposes a nationwide ban, arguing it could undermine the army’s ability to defend the country. Instead, it wants tougher measures to prevent weapons and foreign support from reaching the RSF.

The latest escalation in Kordofan adds significance to the Security Council debate, as military operations and drone warfare have spread beyond Darfur, for which the embargo was established more than two decades ago.

Arab World

Syria Security Incidents Raise Questions Over Who Benefits from Instability

A Syrian Interior Ministry security officer on the outskirts of the village of al-Soura al-Saghira in the Sweida countryside on Sept. 15 (Reuters). 
A Syrian Interior Ministry security officer on the outskirts of the village of al-Soura al-Saghira in the Sweida countryside on Sept. 15 (Reuters). 
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Syria Security Incidents Raise Questions Over Who Benefits from Instability

A Syrian Interior Ministry security officer on the outskirts of the village of al-Soura al-Saghira in the Sweida countryside on Sept. 15 (Reuters). 
A Syrian Interior Ministry security officer on the outskirts of the village of al-Soura al-Saghira in the Sweida countryside on Sept. 15 (Reuters). 

A series of security incidents across Syria in recent days raised concerns over attempts to undermine the authorities and spread instability as Damascus struggles to restore security and revive its economy.

The latest incident involved an attack on a bus carrying electricity company employees on the Masyaf Bridge in Homs, leaving several people dead and wounded.

It coincided with an explosion on a gas pipeline supplying the Tishreen thermal power plant in the Damascus countryside, knocking three power generation stations out of service and affecting drinking water networks.

Two days earlier, an explosion struck a gas pipeline in eastern Syria, while an assassination attempt targeted a Defense Ministry officer in al-Sanamayn, in Daraa province.

Unlike previous incidents, which occurred at relatively long intervals, the latest episodes unfolded within days of one another.

Their timing is particularly sensitive as Syrian authorities face mounting economic pressure while seeking to restore stability, attract reconstruction investment and transform the country into a strategic energy corridor linking Arab states to Türkiye and Europe, amid disruptions to shipping through the Strait of Hormuz caused by the US-Iran confrontation.

A Syrian security source declined to comment on the situation. Asharq Al-Awsat spoke to two security and military experts about who might benefit from weakening the authorities and spreading chaos.

Who Stands to Benefit?

Syrian strategic security and military expert Ismat al-Absi described the incidents as a deliberate pattern of sabotage rather than isolated events.

Their occurrence within a single week was neither coincidental nor random, he told Asharq Al-Awsat, describing them as a systematic campaign targeting vital infrastructure and portraying the state as incapable of protecting citizens’ most basic rights.

He suggested the primary objective was psychological: convincing Syrians that nowhere in the country was safe and that the new authorities had yet to establish effective control beyond major urban centers.

Al-Absi identified ISIS sleeper cells as potential beneficiaries, arguing that exposing government security failures could help the group rebuild its clandestine network and recruit new members.

Remnants of the former regime and their financial and military networks also had an interest in perpetuating instability, he argued, citing their knowledge of vital installations, familiarity with former security procedures and financial resources accumulated through years of corruption.

He said such networks could establish small armed cells, sabotage infrastructure and assassinate officers involved in the political transition or pursuing Assad-linked networks.

Al-Absi also identified Israel as having an interest in keeping Syria militarily weak and divided, while Iran, despite losing its former influence, retained influential networks, particularly along the Syrian coast.

Arms and drug traffickers were another potential beneficiary, he added, as weak security allowed cross-border smuggling routes through Türkiye, Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon to remain profitable.

Rather than a single perpetrator, he described an intersection of interests that stood to gain directly from instability.

Five Simultaneous Priorities

Al-Absi proposed five parallel measures, stressing that security solutions could not be separated from political, economic and institutional reforms.

The first was completing the process of bringing all weapons under state control. The second involved building an effective intelligence apparatus free of corruption, addressing what he described as fragmentation and poor coordination among existing agencies.

Third, he called for tackling the economic crisis fueling violence, citing unemployment exceeding 40 percent in some provinces and incomes below the poverty line.

He proposed reviving small and medium-sized businesses in marginalized areas, creating temporary jobs through public works programs and ensuring basic services reached rural communities where economic and cultural deprivation contributed to the spread of radical ideas.

His fourth priority was inclusive national dialogue. According to al-Absi, Syria’s communities viewed the transition through different fears: Druze concerns over central domination, Alawite memories of the March 2025 coastal violence, Sunni demands for safeguards against renewed authoritarian rule and Kurdish aspirations to preserve administrative gains in the northeast.

He advocated an elected constituent assembly representing all communities to draft a new constitution, alongside genuine administrative decentralization and clearly defined provincial financial powers.

Al-Absi believes that the fifth path lies in maintaining transparent communication with the public. Official silence surrounding explosions and assassinations fueled conspiracy theories and fear, he argued.

Citing the Sept. 21 explosion at an ammunition depot in al-Eis, south of Aleppo, he urged authorities to disclose whether poor storage was responsible or explain measures taken if internal security breaches were suspected. He also called for professional state media focused on providing information rather than propaganda.

Syria had a historic opportunity to rebuild, he argued, but needed swift, measurable decisions and tangible results within months rather than years, stressing that legitimacy was earned through actions, not slogans.

Swift, Precise Response Needed

Syrian political and security researcher Diaa Qaddour agreed that the country’s multiple security challenges required urgent action.

“When these challenges converge, the situation becomes more complicated, requiring a more precise and faster response,” he told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Qaddour cautioned that the recent incidents might or might not be connected.

He pointed to Syria’s sensitive circumstances following its removal from sanctions and terrorism lists, alongside threats from ISIS and strained relations with Lebanon’s Hezbollah and Iranian militias in Iraq.

The proliferation of weapons and opposition to the country’s political changes further complicated the domestic security landscape, he added.

Although these factors appeared separate, Qaddour argued that collectively they served one overarching objective: weakening the government and frustrating its efforts to establish security and stability.

Arab World

Drone Strikes on Dormitory, Shelter Kill 10 in Sudan's El-Obeid

A lecture hall at the College of Development and Technological Sciences with its roof collapsed after an attack attributed to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), in El Obeid, North Kordofan, Sudan, September 15, 2026. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig
A lecture hall at the College of Development and Technological Sciences with its roof collapsed after an attack attributed to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), in El Obeid, North Kordofan, Sudan, September 15, 2026. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig
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Drone Strikes on Dormitory, Shelter Kill 10 in Sudan's El-Obeid

A lecture hall at the College of Development and Technological Sciences with its roof collapsed after an attack attributed to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), in El Obeid, North Kordofan, Sudan, September 15, 2026. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig
A lecture hall at the College of Development and Technological Sciences with its roof collapsed after an attack attributed to the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), in El Obeid, North Kordofan, Sudan, September 15, 2026. REUTERS/El Tayeb Siddig

Drone attacks on a university dormitory and a center sheltering displaced families in Sudan's central city of El-Obeid killed at least 10 people this week, a Sudanese rights group and a medical source said on Friday.

The attacks came as fighting intensified in North Kordofan, a strategically important region where Sudan's army and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces are battling for territory more than three years into a war that has shattered much of the country.

On Wednesday, a drone struck a dormitory at the University of Kordofan that was being used to house students and civilians, according to the Emergency Lawyers group, a Sudanese rights organization that monitors abuses during the conflict.

The group said the attack killed five people and wounded 47 others, but did not say who was responsible.

A day later, another drone hit a center sheltering families displaced by fighting from across the Kordofan region, killing five people and injuring 13 others, a North Kordofan government official and a medical source at a local hospital told AFP.

The government official accused the RSF of carrying out the attack. The paramilitary group did not immediately respond to the allegation.

In recent months, both the army and the RSF have increasingly deployed drones, killing more than 1,100 during the first five months of this year alone, according to United Nations figures.

El-Obeid, the capital of North Kordofan, has emerged as a key battleground in Sudan's war, owing to its strategic location at a crossroads linking the country's central and western regions.

The UN has repeatedly warned that escalating violence in El-Obeid and the broader Kordofan region risked triggering further atrocities, issuing in July what it described as a red alert over conditions there.

More than 300,000 people have been displaced from the region since the RSF captured El-Fasher, the military's last major stronghold in Darfur, following a major offensive last year, according to the UN.

The war between Sudan's army and the RSF has killed more than 200,000 people, aid workers estimate, displaced more than 13 million and created the world's largest hunger and displacement crises.