After Oil-Rich Babanusa, What Will the Rapid Support Forces Target Next?

A circulated photo shows part of the destruction caused by Rapid Support Forces (RSF) drones in the city of El-Obeid in the Kordofan region. 
A circulated photo shows part of the destruction caused by Rapid Support Forces (RSF) drones in the city of El-Obeid in the Kordofan region. 
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After Oil-Rich Babanusa, What Will the Rapid Support Forces Target Next?

A circulated photo shows part of the destruction caused by Rapid Support Forces (RSF) drones in the city of El-Obeid in the Kordofan region. 
A circulated photo shows part of the destruction caused by Rapid Support Forces (RSF) drones in the city of El-Obeid in the Kordofan region. 

After more than two years of intense fighting, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) announced on Monday that they had seized full control of the Sudanese Army’s 22nd Infantry Division, the military’s last remaining stronghold in Babanusa, the capital of West Kordofan.

Analysts say the fall of the strategically located, oil-producing city, which is also known for its dairy industry, could serve as a launchpad for further RSF advances into northern and southern parts of the state.

The Sudanese Army has issued no official statement more than 48 hours after the RSF announcement. However, pro-army social media pages reported that the military had withdrawn substantial forces from the city to Heglig, another key location in West Kordofan.

Pressure from the RSF has left major cities across the three Kordofan states increasingly vulnerable. The army now holds only El-Obeid and Um Rawaba in North Kordofan, and Heglig in West Kordofan, following the fall of Al-Nuhud and Babanusa.

In South Kordofan, the army retains control of Kadugli and Dilling, while the RSF holds Al-Dibabat. Their ally, the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement–North (SPLM-N) led by Abdelaziz Adam al-Hilu, controls Kauda in the Nuba Mountains.

Babanusa lies about 600 kilometers southwest of Khartoum, near the East Darfur border. It is one of Sudan’s most important railway junctions, linking the west to the east and north, and is regarded as an economic hub due to its livestock industry and significant oil reserves.

Although the RSF has not publicly outlined its next objectives, former Sudanese officers say the city’s fall creates multiple avenues for further advances. A retired army officer, speaking anonymously, said Babanusa’s military and geographic significance could mark a turning point in the conflict, potentially opening the path to RSF attempts on major cities in South Kordofan, including Kadugli and Dilling.

He noted that the RSF has long listed El-Obeid as a priority target and has repeatedly attacked it; with RSF positions now nearby, a large-scale assault “is possible at any moment.”

The officer added that although the RSF declared a unilateral ceasefire, it did not adhere to it, continuing its assault on the 22nd Division until it captured the base – is an indication, he said, that the group’s military objectives remain far from exhausted.

Military experts say the RSF’s presence in Babanusa provides a strong platform for further operations, including support for its ally al-Hilu’s SPLM-N faction to push toward Kadugli, especially after recent army gains in several strategic towns in the state.

Mohamed Bashir Suleiman, former Deputy Chief of Staff and former army spokesman, told Asharq Al-Awsat that Babanusa’s fall was predictable. He said controlling the city grants the RSF “a wide operational maneuvering space.” Its economic value, particularly its oil, along with its social environment, which includes communities sympathetic to the RSF, also give the group political advantages as it expands its territorial hold in both Kordofan and Darfur.

Suleiman said RSF control of Babanusa places it in a stronger position to counter the army’s gains in North Kordofan, despite the military’s recent advances around El-Obeid and in the Nuba Mountains.

According to Suleiman, the Sudanese Army must adopt sound operational planning across all fronts in North and West Kordofan. This will require significant troop reinforcements, logistical support, and reserve forces to avoid costly setbacks. The army’s broader strategic goal, he said, remains the recovery of Darfur.

He added that the RSF’s seizure of Babanusa serves several aims, foremost among them driving the army out of areas where it traditionally enjoys social support in West Kordofan.

He noted that holding the city allows the RSF to maintain secure supply routes for fighters and weapons, expand its territorial control, and continue positioning itself for a future assault on strategically and symbolically important El-Obeid.

Suleiman said the RSF’s timing reflects an effort to strengthen its military and political leverage ahead of any renewed negotiations, particularly as the Quad, which comprises the United States, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Egypt, continues discussions over a proposed three-month humanitarian ceasefire.

 

 



Iraq’s Maliki Joins Chorus Rejecting Militia Disarmament

Members of Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah carry the group’s flag in central Baghdad. (File photo - AFP)
Members of Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah carry the group’s flag in central Baghdad. (File photo - AFP)
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Iraq’s Maliki Joins Chorus Rejecting Militia Disarmament

Members of Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah carry the group’s flag in central Baghdad. (File photo - AFP)
Members of Iraq’s Kataib Hezbollah carry the group’s flag in central Baghdad. (File photo - AFP)

State of Law Coalition leader Nouri al-Maliki has joined a growing chorus of critics of Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi’s government program, unanimously approved by parliament, to restrict arms to state control.

Less than a month after the State Administration Coalition, comprising leading Shiite, Sunni and Kurdish forces, gave Zaidi full authority to determine how to handle the issue after Sept. 30 — when the remaining US troops are due to leave Iraq — armed factions, notably Kataib Hezbollah and Harakat al-Nujaba, rejected the deadline. They argue that their weapons are “ideological” and tied to the Iran-led “Axis of Resistance.”

Maliki joined them Wednesday, declaring in televised remarks that “there will be no handover of weapons” after Sept. 30.

Instead, he advocated “regulation and containment” of weapons through a mechanism still under discussion.

Maliki pointed that distinctions could be drawn among heavy, medium and light arms.

His position came despite an earlier warning from the State Administration Coalition that any armed activity outside state authority after Sept. 30 would be dealt with under the counterterrorism law.

Shifting Terms

A visit to Iraq by Iranian parliament speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf further complicated the process amid indications that Tehran was unwilling to see all factions surrender their weapons.

The government subsequently agreed to a Shiite Coordination Framework committee that would begin talks with armed groups after the end of September to persuade them to establish a mechanism for “regulating weapons, not disarming them,” as Maliki put it.

Maliki serves on the three-member committee alongside former Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani and Badr Organization leader Hadi al-Amiri.

While Sudani has made no statement on surrendering weapons, Amiri and Maliki have taken turns, using terms such as “regulating,” “freezing” or “deferring” weapons rather than “disarmament.”

Maliki’s comments followed Amiri’s description two days earlier of the 2019 Tishreen protests as a “sedition” intended to topple the Shiite political system.

Amiri also identified the “resistance” as the so-called “third party” that carried out killings of protesters, leaving thousands dead or wounded, mostly from poor Shiite neighborhoods in Baghdad and central and southern provinces.

Political observers viewed his remarks as a deliberate message that armed factions “were, and remain, the ones protecting the political system when it is threatened.”

Akram al-Kaabi, secretary-general of Harakat al-Nujaba, meanwhile said US President Donald Trump was “deluded” if he believed he could achieve a victory in Iraq after failing to do so in Iran.

The government has maintained that the deadline for surrendering weapons remains unchanged and coincides with the US withdrawal, saying armed groups could be compelled to comply once the American presence ends and there is no longer justification for carrying arms.

Saleh al-Arbawi, head of the Wa’i Movement, told Asharq Al-Awsat that any handover could be circumvented or merely symbolic, saying armed groups follow “a transnational ideology and leadership” and have received no order to relinquish their weapons.

The government, he said, faces either confrontation or potentially lengthy dialogue and compromise. He added that the wider the current conflict becomes, the more difficult restricting arms to state control will be.


Syria Says Thwarted Escape Attempt of Man Linked to Assad-era General

A large Syrian flag flutters above Tishreen Park in Damascus, June 4, 2025. (AFP)
A large Syrian flag flutters above Tishreen Park in Damascus, June 4, 2025. (AFP)
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Syria Says Thwarted Escape Attempt of Man Linked to Assad-era General

A large Syrian flag flutters above Tishreen Park in Damascus, June 4, 2025. (AFP)
A large Syrian flag flutters above Tishreen Park in Damascus, June 4, 2025. (AFP)

Syrian authorities on Thursday said they foiled an escape attempt by a man close to a general who served ousted ruler Bashar al-Assad and led a militia linked to Assad's cousin.

Security forces in the Damascus countryside said they "thwarted an escape attempt by Alaa Zahreddine, a key associate of the criminal Ghiath Dalla and former leader of the 'Shield of the Homeland Brigade' militia", accusing him of being "implicated in crimes against civilians".

"After his identity was confirmed during a stop at a security checkpoint, Zahreddine drew his weapon and shot himself, committing suicide to avoid capture. His companion in the vehicle was arrested."

Syrian authorities had previously said that the brigade was linked to Rami Makhlouf, cousin of former Syrian president Assad who was ousted in 2024.

The operation comes days after security forces said they killed an Assad-era army commander in a firefight while trying to arrest him in the Alawite-majority Syrian coast.

Authorities said both men were linked to Assad-era general Dalla.

Dalla, a former officer in the much-feared Fourth Brigade, had announced on social media last year the formation of a "military council for the liberation of Syria".

The announcement came shortly before deadly violence targeting the Alawite minority, to which Assad's family belongs, erupted on the Syrian coast in March 2025.

Authorities accused armed Assad supporters of sparking the violence by attacking security forces.

A national commission of inquiry said at least 1,426 members of the minority were killed, while the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights monitor put the toll at more than 1,700.


DR Congo Latest to Promise Moving Israel Embassy to Jerusalem

 Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, addresses the African Water Forum in N’Djamena, Chad, on July 16, 2026. (AFP file)
Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, addresses the African Water Forum in N’Djamena, Chad, on July 16, 2026. (AFP file)
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DR Congo Latest to Promise Moving Israel Embassy to Jerusalem

 Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, addresses the African Water Forum in N’Djamena, Chad, on July 16, 2026. (AFP file)
Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, president of the Democratic Republic of Congo, addresses the African Water Forum in N’Djamena, Chad, on July 16, 2026. (AFP file)

The Democratic Republic of Congo said Thursday it would move its embassy in Israel to Jerusalem, joining a small group of countries including the United States in taking the symbolic step of backing Israeli sovereignty in the contested holy city.

After a visit by President Felix-Antoine Tshisekedi, the two countries in a statement said they would take steps for "the relocation of the embassy of the Democratic Republic of the Congo from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem", without giving a timeline.

Tshisekedi and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in a meeting spoke of their "shared commitment to strengthening diplomatic relations", the statement said.

Tshisekedi has spoken warmly about Israel for years, saying his support is driven by his Christian faith. He has also been eager for support from the United States, which has increasingly pressured Rwanda over armed rebel advances in DR Congo.

The announcement comes weeks after Colombia's new hard-right president, Abelardo de la Espriella, also announced that he would move his country's embassy to Jerusalem, a sharp shift from his leftist predecessor who criticized Israel over its Gaza offensive.

The vast majority of countries, if they recognize Israel, keep their embassies in Tel Aviv on the grounds that the status of Jerusalem will be settled in a final resolution of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

President Donald Trump shattered that consensus in 2018 during his first term by moving the US embassy to Jerusalem, which is home to Israel's parliament, prime minister and most other major governmental institutions.

Since Trump's move, only a handful of small, US-aligned countries have followed suit -- Fiji, Guatemala, Honduras, Papua New Guinea and Paraguay.

Kosovo and Somaliland, which are not member-states of the United Nations, have also opened what they consider their embassies in Jerusalem.

Argentine President Javier Milei, another right-wing Latin American who is an outspoken supporter of Israel, has promised to move his country's embassy to Jerusalem.

The shift has not yet taken place, however, reportedly due to disagreement over an Israeli company's plans to drill in the British-ruled Falkland Islands, which Argentina claims and calls the Malvinas.

Israel captured the eastern part of Jerusalem from Jordan in the 1967 Six-Day War and annexed it, declaring Jerusalem, home to Judaism's holiest site, to be its eternal, undivided capital.