Sources to Asharq Al-Awsat: Tribal Clashes Behind Killing of Yasser Abu Shabab

Yasser Abu Shabab (Social Media)
Yasser Abu Shabab (Social Media)
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Sources to Asharq Al-Awsat: Tribal Clashes Behind Killing of Yasser Abu Shabab

Yasser Abu Shabab (Social Media)
Yasser Abu Shabab (Social Media)

Sources in Gaza said the killing of Yasser Abu Shabab, the leader of an armed militia opposed to Hamas, unfolded against the backdrop of a tribal confrontation, with two members of his own Tarabin clan implicated in the attack.

The sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the two assailants, from the Debari and Abu Suneima families, both part of the wider Bedouin Tarabin tribe, had taken part in the shooting that left Abu Shabab fatally wounded.

According to the sources, the incident occurred on Thursday and ended swiftly when Abu Shabab’s escorts shot dead the men who had targeted him.

Abu Shabab, a controversial figure who emerged during Israel’s war on Gaza and became prominent during efforts to deliver aid to the blockaded enclave, was killed after months in the public eye.

Israel’s Army Radio said on Thursday, citing security officials, that Abu Shabab, one of the most prominent tribal leaders opposed to Hamas in Gaza, died of his wounds at Soroka Medical Center in Beersheba in southern Israel, where he had been transferred after being injured earlier.

Abu Shabab’s armed group is based in Rafah in southern Gaza. In previous remarks he insisted that his group’s only link was with the Palestinian Authority, rejecting accusations that he collaborated with Israel.

He had called for renaming his militia, known as the Popular Forces in Gaza, as a counterterrorism group.

Army Radio said Abu Shabab had declared his cooperation with Israel and formed the first armed group to confront Hamas in southern Gaza. It added that he had been targeted by gunmen who opened fire on him.

A few months earlier, with the resumption of humanitarian aid deliveries to Gaza, Abu Shabab resurfaced after nearly three months of absence from the field and from his Facebook page.

Abu Shabab has frequently stirred controversy. Some Gaza residents linked his name to the theft of humanitarian aid in past periods, while others defended him and praised what they considered efforts to secure and protect aid shipments.

In May last year, he reactivated his Facebook page and announced he had resumed securing the delivery of aid to residential areas, raising questions about his sudden reappearance and the purpose behind the announcement, especially given his past association among many with aid theft.

Several sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that Abu Shabab and the armed group that appeared with him in photos on his page were primarily present in areas between eastern Rafah and southeastern Khan Younis.

These areas fall under Israeli control and are inhabited only by a few dozen members of the Tarabin tribe, to which Abu Shabab and his associates belong.

Humanitarian aid began to enter Gaza last week after Israel yielded to international pressure and lifted the blockade it had imposed on aid entry on March 2 last year. A global hunger monitoring body said the blockade had pushed half a million people in the enclave to the brink of famine.

No one knows the exact size of the armed force he formed. Estimates range from dozens to a few hundred, based on images and short videos on TikTok and other social media platforms that show the group with weapons and four-wheel drive vehicles.

Asharq Al-Awsat was unable to reach Abu Shabab directly to clarify his role in the handling of aid, as all his phone numbers were switched off.

Some sources familiar with him said he was a simple young man who had been detained by Hamas police on charges of drug possession and trafficking, but escaped with other inmates after the war broke out and the bombardment intensified. The sources said he had never been affiliated with any Palestinian faction and that there was no known record of him spying for Israel. They added that carrying weapons was common among most members of the Tarabin tribe.

After some residents accused him of stealing aid, Hamas security forces raided sites he visited with his armed men in November 2024, killing at least twenty people and wounding dozens.

After reports claimed he had been killed when an anti-armor projectile struck the vehicle he used to flee, it later emerged that his brother had been inside and was the one killed.

According to some sources, Abu Shabab fled to areas very close to Israeli military positions east of Rafah.

After a period of absence, Abu Shabab reappeared in recent days as aid deliveries resumed. Videos circulated showing men said to be from his group securing aid convoys, escorting foreign delegations and accompanying Red Cross workers. The footage shows people from the Tarabin tribe speaking with visiting delegations.

Each time aid entered the enclave, Abu Shabab posted messages on his Facebook page about protecting it and transporting it to the edges of areas outside his control, which he referred to as “the other side”, meaning the de facto Hamas government.

In one recent post he wrote, “When we distributed aid with dignity they defamed us, when we stood to protect it they accused us, and here we are today appearing before the people, we the sons of this nation.”

The message was signed “Yasser Abu Shabab, Popular Forces”.

Field sources told Asharq Al-Awsat that the stolen aid had not gone to Hamas. The sources said the shipments entered residential areas without protection, which contributed to theft.

When a group from the Hamas Home Front security force went to secure the aid in Deir al-Balah in central Gaza, an Israeli strike killed six of its members, allowing an armed gang to seize the supplies.

Hours later, Hamas fighters fired a projectile at the armed men responsible for the theft, killing six of them, the field sources said.

Some sources said Abu Shabab could barely write and was unlikely to be managing his Facebook page himself. This raised questions about who might be backing him, especially since he operated in areas considered extremely dangerous for Gaza residents due to the presence of Israeli forces.

In several posts, Abu Shabab referred to a media team that managed his page and handled his work professionally. In one post he not only highlighted aid protection but also called for unity and urged people to reject Hamas, which he accused of distorting the image of popular figures.

In some of his posts he referred to his group as the Popular Action Forces. On some TikTok videos, labels such as Counterterrorism Forces appeared.

Some Gaza residents, even jokingly, began calling him “Mr. President”, while others referred to him as “the state”, especially after his armed men were seen wearing military fatigues with Palestinian flags and saluting every convoy carrying visiting delegations.

Local sources said he recently helped evacuate families trapped by Israeli forces in the Amour area southeast of Khan Younis, enabling them to reach areas west of the city.

Hamas repeatedly accuses Israel of fostering lawlessness in Gaza and enabling aid theft by armed gangs.

Israeli officials have openly encouraged Gaza residents to break away from Hamas and rise up against it, which has already occurred in some areas.



Washington Targets Hezbollah’s Alternative Funding Networks

Hezbollah supporters hold up a portrait of the group’s former secretaries-general, Hassan Nasrallah and Hashem Safieddine, during the second anniversary of their assassinations in Beirut’s southern suburbs (AP). 
Hezbollah supporters hold up a portrait of the group’s former secretaries-general, Hassan Nasrallah and Hashem Safieddine, during the second anniversary of their assassinations in Beirut’s southern suburbs (AP). 
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Washington Targets Hezbollah’s Alternative Funding Networks

Hezbollah supporters hold up a portrait of the group’s former secretaries-general, Hassan Nasrallah and Hashem Safieddine, during the second anniversary of their assassinations in Beirut’s southern suburbs (AP). 
Hezbollah supporters hold up a portrait of the group’s former secretaries-general, Hassan Nasrallah and Hashem Safieddine, during the second anniversary of their assassinations in Beirut’s southern suburbs (AP). 

The United States is stepping up efforts to track alternative financing channels used by Hezbollah as tighter sanctions threaten its traditional sources of funding, particularly Iranian money that has long underpinned the group’s military and security capabilities and political influence in Lebanon.

Washington’s campaign extends beyond restricting Iranian transfers to tracing foreign funding networks and cross-border commercial activities that Hezbollah could use to compensate for any decline in Tehran’s support.

A Reuters report last week that Hezbollah had received $200 million in cash from Iran the previous month to assist tens of thousands of families displaced by the war prompted a response from the US State Department.

The department expressed doubt that the money had reached Hezbollah but reaffirmed its commitment to maintaining pressure on the group’s funding sources through sanctions, while supporting the legitimate Lebanese government’s efforts to rebuild southern Lebanon.

New round of sanctions

Sami Nader, director of the Middle East Institute for Strategic Affairs, described the measures as part of a new round of US sanctions aimed at tightening financial pressure on Iran and its regional affiliates.

“The issue is not specifically Hezbollah, but primarily Iran,” Nader told Asharq Al-Awsat, pointing to a recent US announcement describing Hezbollah as an integral part of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps.

Nader said Tehran had developed alternative channels to circumvent financial restrictions, particularly through gold and cryptocurrencies.

He described an expanding network of such activities across the region, with links to Iran and Hezbollah.

The latest sanctions are designed to target these alternative mechanisms, he explained.

Nader added that if cryptocurrency offices linked to these networks are found to exist, Lebanese authorities would likely be asked to shut them down and take action against them, while also tightening oversight of gold transactions.

Four sources of financing

Hezbollah has long relied on multiple funding sources, particularly under previous Lebanese administrations that turned a blind eye to billions of dollars reaching the group, including through official border crossings.

Economist Antoine Farah identified four principal sources of financing: The first was direct Iranian support, provided through regular transfers from Tehran. The second involved illicit activities, particularly drug smuggling and the Captagon trade, which Farah said Hezbollah had engaged in both inside Lebanon and abroad, notably in several Latin American countries. The third consisted of substantial donations from Shiite financiers and supporters around the world. The fourth was a network of front businesses established to generate additional revenue, launder money and conceal the origins and destinations of funds.

Farah told Asharq Al-Awsat that Hezbollah’s ability to draw on most of these sources had declined considerably, while the group faced mounting pressure from legislative and regulatory measures being strengthened in Lebanon.

Stricter financial oversight

Farah highlighted amendments being introduced to Law No. 44 on combating money laundering and terrorist financing, particularly provisions requiring the identification of the ultimate beneficial owners of companies and commercial enterprises.

Identifying who ultimately benefits from commercial activities, while tracing the origins and destinations of funds, would help restrict the operations of front businesses established by Hezbollah, he explained.

Farah also pointed to measures being taken by Banque du Liban, Lebanon’s central bank, to regulate currency exchange dealers and money transfer companies.

He said the measures were making it increasingly difficult to exploit these sectors to transfer money and channel financing to Hezbollah.


Syrian Security Forces Step Up anti-ISIS Operations, Pursue Former Regime Loyalists

A scene from the arrests carried out in Masyaf (Hama Security Correspondent).
A scene from the arrests carried out in Masyaf (Hama Security Correspondent).
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Syrian Security Forces Step Up anti-ISIS Operations, Pursue Former Regime Loyalists

A scene from the arrests carried out in Masyaf (Hama Security Correspondent).
A scene from the arrests carried out in Masyaf (Hama Security Correspondent).

Syrian security forces have intensified operations against ISIS cells following a deadly September bus attack near Masyaf in central Syria, while separately pursuing former regime operatives accused of crimes against civilians.

Within a week, authorities announced the dismantling of an ISIS cell in Homs province, following the arrest of the group’s alleged military commander there. Seven former regime suspects were also detained as part of transitional justice efforts.

The Internal Security Forces announced that raids in the Houla area of northern Homs, conducted with the General Intelligence Directorate, had dismantled an ISIS-linked cell and foiled planned attacks on places of worship and security patrols.

Two suspects were arrested and two explosive devices were seized. Preliminary investigations indicated that the detainees had received and transported explosives and monitored potential targets as part of plans to incite unrest and undermine security.

One suspect was caught attempting to plant an explosive device on a railway track, authorities reported. Investigations are continuing to identify other cell members and their connections.

The operation followed the arrest about three days earlier of Khaled Raed Bayrouni, known as Abu Hassan Doshka, in Hujayra, near Damascus. The Interior Ministry described him as ISIS’s operational arm in Homs and the group’s overall military commander in its so-called Homs province.

Bayrouni is accused of planning and overseeing bombings and sectarian attacks, including an explosion at an Alawite mosque in Homs that killed eight people in late 2025.

Authorities also launched raids and arrests following a Sept. 27 attack on a bus transporting workers near the Masyaf bypass bridge, on the road linking Masyaf and Homs, that killed seven civilians.

Despite ISIS’s territorial defeat in Syria and Iraq, its small cells remain a security threat, exploiting instability and security gaps, particularly in remote areas.

In early October, the international coalition against ISIS pledged more than $75 million to support Syria’s counterterrorism efforts, including measures to address security vulnerabilities and dismantle dormant cells.

Separately, the Defense Ministry reported Saturday that a Syrian army soldier had died of wounds sustained in a shooting by unidentified gunmen Tuesday evening in Buqrus, eastern Deir Ezzor province.

Two customs patrol members were also wounded when unidentified attackers opened fire near Izraa bridge in Daraa province as officers escorted a transit convoy, the General Authority for Ports and Customs announced Saturday.

Former regime suspects arrested

In a parallel operation, security forces detained seven former regime suspects in Masyaf, Hama province, accusing them of serious abuses against civilians.

Nabil Adnan Ismail and Ghazi Mohammed Ismail allegedly commanded groups within militias affiliated with the former Air Force Intelligence Directorate and participated in kidnappings, looting and massacres, including violence in Aqrab village. They also face extortion allegations.

Brothers Taher Youssef al-Mohammed and Talal Youssef al-Mohammed, who served in Air Force Intelligence and the Scientific Studies and Research Center, are accused of repression, arrests and exploiting access to detainees’ files to extort their families.

Faisal Badour, nicknamed “Tiger Cub” for his alleged brutality toward civilians, joined armed militias in 2012 and participated in former regime military operations in Hama and Aleppo provinces.

Another detainee, Assef Salameh, served as a noncommissioned officer at defense factories until 2018.

Authorities had earlier arrested Shaheen Hamdan al-Shaheen, a founder of the Air Force Intelligence-linked Shaheen Regiment militia.

He is accused of involvement in massacres in eastern Hama and along the Athriya–Raqqa road in 2017. His militia allegedly committed killings, arrests, torture and destruction in Palmyra and Deir Ezzor province through 2019.


Abbas Calls for Palestinian Presidential, Legislative Elections in September 2027

 A sign promoting Palestinian legislative elections on a road near the West Bank city of Jenin (File photo: EPA). 
 A sign promoting Palestinian legislative elections on a road near the West Bank city of Jenin (File photo: EPA). 
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Abbas Calls for Palestinian Presidential, Legislative Elections in September 2027

 A sign promoting Palestinian legislative elections on a road near the West Bank city of Jenin (File photo: EPA). 
 A sign promoting Palestinian legislative elections on a road near the West Bank city of Jenin (File photo: EPA). 

Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas has issued a decree calling for simultaneous presidential and legislative elections on Sept. 11, 2027, canceling a legislative vote scheduled for Nov. 28, 2026, after his Fatah movement and other Palestinian factions agreed to postpone it.

The widely anticipated decision sets a new date for Palestinians to elect both their president and lawmakers amid concerns over Israeli restrictions and the security situation in Gaza and the West Bank.

The decree calls on Palestinians in Jerusalem, the West Bank and Gaza Strip to participate in free, direct presidential and legislative elections to choose the president of the State of Palestine and members of the Palestinian Legislative Council, in accordance with the law.

Abbas had previously issued decrees calling for legislative elections on two occasions, most recently scheduling them for November 2026, before canceling the plans.

An informed source told Asharq Al-Awsat that setting a firm date for simultaneous presidential and legislative elections was intended to demonstrate the Palestinian leadership’s commitment to holding the vote and reassure France and the international community that it would proceed with renewing the legitimacy of Palestinian institutions.

The decision followed a recommendation by the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) to revoke Decree No. 4 of 2026, which had called for legislative elections in November.

At a meeting Saturday, the PLO Executive Committee approved moving the legislative vote to September 2027 to coincide with the presidential election.

It attributed the decision to national consultations with Palestinian factions and political forces, which had produced a consensus on the obstacles posed by Israeli measures to holding elections on the original date.

The committee also cited the need to establish suitable political, security and on-the-ground conditions to ensure free, fair and comprehensive elections.

In a statement, the committee argued that circumstances had changed substantially since the election date was announced several months earlier, following successful elections for trade unions, professional associations, and local authorities.

It pointed to the failure to implement UN Security Council Resolution 2803, the absence of international stabilization forces and Palestinian police in Gaza, and the continued presence of Israeli troops in the territory.

The committee also cited ongoing attacks, insecurity and restrictions preventing the Central Elections Commission and local and international observers from entering Gaza.

These conditions, it maintained, made it impossible to establish an environment conducive to elections or guarantee the safety of voters, candidates and election workers.

The committee further warned that what it described as catastrophic conditions in the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, posed serious obstacles to holding the vote.

It accused Israeli settlers of carrying out daily attacks, including burning homes, uprooting olive trees and stealing crops and livestock, under the protection of Israeli forces.

The statement also condemned what it called the Israeli government’s continued expansion of settlements, seizure of Palestinian land, demolition of homes and attacks on Muslim and Christian holy sites.

It cited checkpoints, movement restrictions, pressure on the Palestinian economy and the withholding of Palestinian funds totaling nearly $7 billion as additional obstacles.

Despite the postponement, the PLO Executive Committee reaffirmed its commitment to holding elections with the participation of all Palestinians in the State of Palestine, including those in Gaza and East Jerusalem.

It stressed that the vote must be conducted safely and fairly, with international observers present, free from Israeli obstruction, while preserving the unity of Palestinian territory, people and institutions.