Islamic Jihad Denies Withholding Body of Last Israeli Hostage

An Islamic Jihad member looks on as workers dig in search of the corpses of hostages in northern Gaza. (AP file)
An Islamic Jihad member looks on as workers dig in search of the corpses of hostages in northern Gaza. (AP file)
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Islamic Jihad Denies Withholding Body of Last Israeli Hostage

An Islamic Jihad member looks on as workers dig in search of the corpses of hostages in northern Gaza. (AP file)
An Islamic Jihad member looks on as workers dig in search of the corpses of hostages in northern Gaza. (AP file)

Palestinian sources dismissed Israeli claims circulating over the past two days that the Islamic Jihad movement is refusing to cooperate with Hamas by handing over what Israel says is the last body of an Israeli hostage in Gaza, a step Israel has linked to moving into the second phase of the ceasefire.

Israel’s Maariv newspaper reported on Friday, citing Israeli security sources, that tensions had emerged between Hamas and Islamic Jihad over the latter’s alleged refusal to hand over the body of the last hostage, Ran Gvili.

Israel believes Islamic Jihad fighters were directly involved in abducting Gvili and holding him in Gaza.

The Al-Quds Brigades, the armed wing of Islamic Jihad, said days ago it had handed over all hostages in its possession and had fully complied with the ceasefire agreement, a claim confirmed by sources in the movement speaking to Asharq Al-Awsat.

According to those sources, Gvili’s body was not among the Israeli hostages held by Islamic Jihad and was instead in Hamas’ custody. They said coordination with Hamas was excellent and denied any disagreements or tensions, dismissing Israeli media reports as unfounded.

Sources from Hamas told Asharq Al-Awsat the body was believed to be located in three or four sites in the Shujaiya and Zeitoun neighborhoods east of Gaza City. Search operations were carried out at those locations but failed to locate it.

They said all field commanders and activists involved in the abduction and in guarding the body had been killed in a series of airstrikes and other operations, making it difficult to determine the exact location with certainty.

They added that the difficulty was compounded by heavy bombardment, widespread destruction and land leveling in those areas during Israeli ground incursions.

According to Israel’s Yedioth Ahronoth newspaper, Israel provided Hamas, via mediators, with information about individuals who might help identify the body’s location, as well as details on potential sites, accompanied by aerial photographs.

Hamas sources said there was ongoing communication with mediators on this issue and others.

New video raises doubts

These developments coincided with the Israeli Hostages and Missing Families Forum publishing video footage of six hostages whose bodies were found inside a tunnel in Rafah in August 2024.

The footage shows them sharing daily life, marking the Jewish holiday of Hanukkah, celebrating the start of 2024, talking among themselves, shaving and moving from one place to another inside the tunnel.

The videos raised questions about the Israeli army’s claim that they were killed two days before being found, allegedly shot by Hamas fighters. Hamas has denied that account, saying they were killed in an Israeli strike that hit the site.

Israeli journalist Miki Levin wrote in a report on Maariv’s website that the six could have returned home alive had an agreement been reached earlier, in April last year, as senior members of the negotiating team had said.

She criticized Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and ministers Bezalel Smotrich and Itamar Ben-Gvir for insisting on the notion of “total victory,” which she described as empty and unattainable.

She said the six would have been freed under a deal rejected by the Israeli government, which ignored warnings that an incursion into Rafah would lead to the hostages’ deaths.

According to the Israeli Public Broadcasting Corporation, negotiations with mediators days before their deaths were on the verge of collapse due to the Israeli government’s insistence on controlling the Philadelphi corridor. Five of the hostages were due to be released had an agreement been signed at that time.

These circumstances, Hamas sources said, likely prompted Israel to claim they were killed by Hamas gunfire.

The sources again denied that version, saying the hostages were killed in artillery and air strikes that hit the area and also killed several of their captors. They noted that captors had instructions at the time to kill any hostage if Israeli forces approached and posed a direct threat.

The tunnel was located in the Tel al-Sultan neighborhood west of Rafah in southern Gaza. The Israeli army later acknowledged that investigations indicated the hostages were killed as a result of military pressure in the area.

In October 2024, Israel killed Yahya Sinwar, the former head of Hamas’ political bureau, in a house near the tunnel site in Tel al-Sultan, in what Israeli accounts described as a surprise encounter while he was with an armed group spotted moving inside the building.

Asharq Al-Awsat reported in November 2024, citing Hamas sources, that Ibrahim Sinwar, the son of Qassam Brigades commander Mohammed Sinwar, who was later killed in an Israeli strike, had been killed alongside his uncle in one of the Rafah tunnels.

The sources said Ibrahim Mohammed Sinwar was killed in an Israeli strike as he emerged from a tunnel opening to monitor Israeli troop movements, while accompanied by his uncle, in August that year in Rafah.

Assessments cited by Asharq Al-Awsat suggest the tunnel in question was the same one where the six hostages were held. Subsequent Israeli investigations said DNA evidence indicated Sinwar had been present there.

The hostages may in fact have been killed in the same strike that killed Ibrahim Sinwar, who had accompanied his uncle Yahya throughout the war, along with other armed fighters.

Hamas sources stressed that strict instructions had been in place regarding the treatment of Israeli hostages, including providing all necessary means to keep them alive and safeguard their lives.



Humanitarian, Security Conditions Deteriorate in Gaza as Armed Group Attacks Continue

 A young Palestinian boy drags scrap metal against the backdrop of destroyed buildings in Nuseirat on November 2, 2026. (AFP)
A young Palestinian boy drags scrap metal against the backdrop of destroyed buildings in Nuseirat on November 2, 2026. (AFP)
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Humanitarian, Security Conditions Deteriorate in Gaza as Armed Group Attacks Continue

 A young Palestinian boy drags scrap metal against the backdrop of destroyed buildings in Nuseirat on November 2, 2026. (AFP)
A young Palestinian boy drags scrap metal against the backdrop of destroyed buildings in Nuseirat on November 2, 2026. (AFP)

Humanitarian and security conditions are worsening in Gaza as Israel tightens restrictions on border crossings and the movement of people and goods, while armed groups backed by the Israeli military press ahead with attacks on the ground.

In a surprise move on Tuesday morning, Israel informed Egyptian and Palestinian coordination officials that it planned to block goods and humanitarian aid arriving through the Rafah crossing between Egypt and Gaza, citing alleged smuggling of banned items, mainly cigarettes, tobacco products and other goods Israel prohibits from entering the enclave.

Israel also abruptly turned back more than 20 patients and 35 accompanying relatives who had left for medical treatment through Rafah, citing security concerns. Hours later, the patients were told they could travel after all.

Israel also maintains tight control over shipments entering through the Kerem Shalom crossing. Supplies remain below levels seen before the latest crisis, which halted the flow of goods into Gaza for a full week before limited deliveries resumed about 10 days ago.

The restrictions have triggered "severe shortages of essential goods, record price increases and a near-total collapse in purchasing power," the Gaza Chamber of Commerce said.

Maher al-Tabbaa, the chamber's director, said Israel was allowing only about 200 types of goods into Gaza under stringent restrictions.

Prices have surged by 500% to 600%, while those of goods barred by Israel have soared by between 2,000% and 3,000%, he told a press briefing.

Armed groups raid displacement camp

Gaza's worsening humanitarian crisis has been matched by deteriorating security, with Israeli airstrikes continuing alongside operations by armed groups based in areas occupied by Israeli forces.

Under a ceasefire agreement based on a plan proposed by US President Donald Trump, a conceptual boundary known as the "yellow line" separates Israeli-occupied territory in eastern Gaza, covering more than 60% of the enclave, from areas to the west controlled by Hamas and other Palestinian factions.

In an operation described as mirroring Israeli military tactics, armed men infiltrated a displacement camp near Abu Hamid roundabout in central-eastern Khan Younis shortly after midnight between Sunday and Monday, under the cover of Israeli drones flying overhead.

The gunmen entered on foot before reinforcements arrived in four-wheel-drive vehicles, allowing them to seize control of the camp and surround it.

They then ordered several people to surrender over loudspeakers, only to discover that none of those sought were there, a source on the ground told Asharq Al-Awsat.

Three sources and eyewitnesses living near the camp said the gunmen searched tents and opened fire, terrifying residents, particularly women and children.

They abducted more than 35 members of the Barbakh family, including teenage boys, and took them to areas under their control in eastern Khan Younis, the sources said.

More than 10 hours later, the armed groups released all but four of those abducted, keeping the four young men for questioning.

A source on the ground quoted some of those released as saying they had been interrogated by Israeli officers, not the armed men who had handed them over to Israeli forces stationed nearby.

A source from a Palestinian faction in Khan Younis said the raid was intended to "spread chaos and flex the muscles" of armed groups backed by the Israeli military.

Another source said the operation could be a prelude to an Israeli advance aimed at expanding the territory under its control and pushing the yellow line farther west.

The boundary lies just a few hundred meters from the camp, the source said, pointing to similar Israeli advances in other parts of Gaza.


Fears of Armed Factions Spiraling Out of Control in Renewed War Spur Iraqi Contacts

Members of Iraq's pro-Iran paramilitary group Kataib Hezbollah gather in a mourning procession for one of their comrades who was killed the previous day in a strike in Basra, during the funeral in Baghdad on April 8, 2026. (AFP)
Members of Iraq's pro-Iran paramilitary group Kataib Hezbollah gather in a mourning procession for one of their comrades who was killed the previous day in a strike in Basra, during the funeral in Baghdad on April 8, 2026. (AFP)
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Fears of Armed Factions Spiraling Out of Control in Renewed War Spur Iraqi Contacts

Members of Iraq's pro-Iran paramilitary group Kataib Hezbollah gather in a mourning procession for one of their comrades who was killed the previous day in a strike in Basra, during the funeral in Baghdad on April 8, 2026. (AFP)
Members of Iraq's pro-Iran paramilitary group Kataib Hezbollah gather in a mourning procession for one of their comrades who was killed the previous day in a strike in Basra, during the funeral in Baghdad on April 8, 2026. (AFP)

Iraqi officials fear Iran-backed armed factions could spiral out of control if fighting with the United States resumes, as conflicting reports of an airstrike on a security facility in eastern Iraq, denied by Baghdad, add to tensions.

A senior source in the ruling Coordination Framework alliance said the government was working to keep Iraq out of a new conflict by negotiating directly with armed factions to persuade them to remain neutral.

The talks are being conducted through influential intermediaries, the source said.

Baghdad is also deploying security forces to poorly controlled areas and remote locations outside major cities, as it recently did in Basra province, to prevent armed groups from attacking neighboring countries if war breaks out.

But the source, who is familiar with internal discussions on the regional escalation, cast doubt on the government's ability to contain the fallout from a war.

He said Baghdad could struggle to rein in Iran-backed factions or safeguard Iraqi oil exports, which have recently recovered to more than 3 million barrels per day.

Even before regional tensions intensified, the government was struggling to resolve the issue of weapons held by armed factions. Doubts over its disarmament strategy have deepened since a deadline to bring those weapons under state control was pushed back from Sept. 30 to June 30, 2027.

The Coordination Framework had been negotiating with the factions through a political committee of senior political figures.

But amid mounting fears of renewed war, reports have circulated widely that Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi opened a separate channel of communication with the armed groups, bypassing the committee.

A political source told Asharq Al-Awsat that Iran-backed factions may have updated their lists of targets inside Iraq and across the region as the prospect of war grows.

Saud al-Saedi, a lawmaker from the Hoquq Movement, the political wing of the Kataib Hezbollah faction, denied that al-Zaidi had personally intervened in the negotiations.

Saedi told reporters that the Coordination Framework had reached understandings with the factions on reorganizing their weapons.

The plan called for a joint committee bringing together representatives of the factions, the government, the Popular Mobilization Forces (PMF) and the Coordination Framework, he said.

But al-Zaidi has yet to sign the agreement, Saedi added, suggesting that the prime minister was under US pressure.

US warning

Meanwhile, Washington has stepped up pressure on Baghdad over weapons outside state control, according to political sources cited by local news agency Shafaq News.

The sources said Steven Fagin, the US charge d'affaires in Iraq, had delivered direct warnings to government and political figures in recent days, stressing that Washington was closely monitoring efforts to bring weapons under state control.

Failure to honor commitments or produce a concrete plan to end the presence of weapons beyond state control by June 30 could prompt Washington to designate Iraq a "state sponsor of terrorism" and impose sanctions and other measures, the sources quoted Fagin as warning.

As Baghdad remains silent on the possibility of renewed war, armed factions have largely adopted the same approach.

But the Ansar Allah al-Awfiya movement, an ally of former Prime Minister Mohammed Shia al-Sudani, broke that silence last Friday, warning Washington against using Iraqi territory or airspace to attack Iran while pledging neutrality if war erupts.

The movement's spokesperson, Ali al-Fatlawi, said it would remain neutral as long as Iraq was not used as a launchpad for attacks on neighboring countries.

He also urged Washington not to violate Iraqi airspace.

"Any violation of Iraqi sovereignty will prompt a response from the movement," Fatlawi said, adding that its leadership would decide the nature of that response according to the circumstances.

In recent days, armed factions and affiliated media outlets reported dozens of incursions into Iraqi airspace by US warplanes and reconnaissance aircraft.

The claims coincided with western media reports that US and Israeli fighter jets had conducted exercises over Iraq and several other countries in the region, simulating strikes on Iran.

On Tuesday, media reports said a Popular Mobilization Forces facility in the eastern province of Diyala had come under air attack.

But Lieutenant General Saad Maan, an official with Iraq's Security Media Cell, dismissed the reports.

"There is no truth to reports of any attack or airstrike in the province," he said in a brief statement.


Israeli Detonations Reshape South Lebanon Villages, Deepen Their Isolation

Israeli tanks and military vehicles on a road between destroyed houses in southern Lebanon near the border with northern Israel, April 29, 2026. (AFP)
Israeli tanks and military vehicles on a road between destroyed houses in southern Lebanon near the border with northern Israel, April 29, 2026. (AFP)
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Israeli Detonations Reshape South Lebanon Villages, Deepen Their Isolation

Israeli tanks and military vehicles on a road between destroyed houses in southern Lebanon near the border with northern Israel, April 29, 2026. (AFP)
Israeli tanks and military vehicles on a road between destroyed houses in southern Lebanon near the border with northern Israel, April 29, 2026. (AFP)

Israeli forces are blasting homes, farmland, roads and bridges across southern Lebanon, leaving villages stripped of familiar landmarks and raising fears that residents may never be able to return.

The destruction extends far beyond military positions and hilltops, according to scientific data and a study of war damage. A military expert says the pattern points to an Israeli effort to reshape the region's population and landscape.

Officials at Lebanon's National Council for Scientific Research told Asharq Al-Awsat that 2,057 Israeli explosions were recorded between April 17 and Oct. 29, reflecting the scale of Israeli military operations. No published breakdown of their geographic distribution or counting methodology was available.

An earlier scientific report published by the council documented 1,731 mining and demolition operations in southern Lebanon between March 2 and September 10, including 1,128 after the June 26 “framework agreement”.

The daily average surged from 5.15 operations before the agreement to about 15 afterward.

Homes and bridges in ruins

More than 90,000 homes across Lebanon had been damaged or destroyed by mid-June, according to preliminary estimates cited in a study by Information International. The figure was not limited to southern Lebanon.

The study documented seven bridges completely destroyed and partial damage to the Qasmieh Bridge, among eight bridges targeted along routes linking the area south of the Litani River to surrounding areas.

Citing the International Organization for Migration, the study said 499,784 people remained internally displaced as of July 1, highlighting the struggle to restore stability even as returns began.

The National Council for Scientific Research also documented a massive blast in Majdal Zoun on June 28 and ground waves triggered by an explosion in Shaqif overnight on July 30-31, equivalent to a magnitude 3.8 earthquake, according to the National Center for Geophysics.

A separate explosion in Ali al-Taher on September 10 coincided with a magnitude 4.1 seismic event recorded by the US Geological Survey.

The Shaqif blast raised concerns over the historic Beaufort castle, which has temporary enhanced protection and is listed among the "Castles of Jabal Amel" on the World Heritage List.

The remains of a home destroyed by the Israeli army in the village of Beit Lif, southern Lebanon, April 22, 2026. (AFP)

'Eliminating the foundations of life'

Retired Staff Brigadier General Khalil al-Gemayel described the destruction as a systematic scorched-earth policy designed to wipe out residential communities, deprive them of the basic necessities of life and prevent residents from returning.

He said the operations were paving the way for a prolonged Israeli presence in areas under its control.

The council's tally of 2,057 explosions since April was consistent with the scale of Israeli operations on the ground, Gemayel said, pointing to almost daily blasts targeting not only military positions and hilltops but also homes, neighborhoods, buildings and infrastructure.

The destruction was particularly concentrated around major population centers such as Bint Jbeil, Khiam and Aita al-Shaab, as well as villages including Zawtar al-Sharqiyeh, he said.

Gemayel said the pattern closely followed Israeli troop deployments, with built-up areas and population centers facing Israeli positions bearing the brunt of the demolitions.

The operations went beyond immediate military objectives and were intended to bring about sweeping demographic and environmental changes, he added.

"Destroying homes, infrastructure, vegetation and farmland effectively eliminates the foundations of life, rather than merely preventing military use of these areas," he said.

Gemayel compared the operations to Israel's actions in Syria's Golan Heights after its occupation in 1967, when villages were demolished and cleared.

He said the same approach was now being repeated in southern Lebanon, with the landscape altered and the traces of residential communities erased.

Even a political settlement and Israeli withdrawal would not guarantee a swift return of the displaced, he warned.

Rebuilding communities could take years, perhaps decades, with some residents potentially unable even to locate their former homes after entire streets, buildings and village landmarks disappeared.

A general view shows homes and structures demolished by the Israeli army in the village of Beit Lif, southern Lebanon, April 22, 2026. (AFP)

Imposing a new reality

Gemayel said the demolitions were concentrated in several areas along built-up stretches extending roughly 1,000 meters in front of Israeli positions, targeting buildings and residential communities facing deployed troops.

He identified Majdal Zoun and Mansouri, along with areas around Srebbine, Yater, Beit Yahoun, Hadatha, Baraachit and Aita al-Jabal, as examples.

He said Israeli aerial surveillance and other technological capabilities often allowed its forces to distinguish civilian from military movements, but that had not stopped the destruction from spreading.

Gemayel said the ultimate aim was to prevent residents from returning to areas occupied by Israeli forces or facing their positions by destroying villages and residential communities capable of sustaining everyday life.

The scale and pattern of destruction suggested Israel intended to maintain a long-term presence while imposing a new geographic and demographic reality that could prove difficult to reverse even after military operations ended, he said.