Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities

Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities
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Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities

Detainee Imad Amhaz Case Highlights Hezbollah’s Maritime Activities

Israel’s disclosure of a naval commando operation in the northern Lebanese town of Batroun has thrust back into focus a case that straddles security, political, and legal fault lines.

The announcement, accompanied by Israeli claims surrounding Imad Amhaz, comes at a delicate moment, coinciding with ceasefire arrangements, meetings of the monitoring mechanism committee, and ongoing efforts to resolve the files of detainees and missing persons.

The Israeli announcement and security narrative

Israeli army spokesman Avichay Adraee said Israeli forces carried out an operation around a year ago in Batroun, far from the Lebanese Israeli border, during which Imad Amhaz was transferred to Israel for interrogation.

According to the Israeli account, Amhaz is linked to Hezbollah’s secret maritime file and its coastal missile unit, received military training inside and outside Lebanon, and acquired maritime expertise related to operational missions.

Adraee said the interrogation of Amhaz enabled, according to his statement, the acquisition of information related to organized maritime activities run under a secret framework and using civilian fronts.

He said this information helped obstruct the progress of this file at what he described as a sensitive stage, adding that Iran provided support for these activities.

A broader political and security context

In an analytical reading, security and defense researcher Riad Kahwaji told Asharq Al-Awsat that the case of Imad Amhaz and the timing of its disclosure could not be separated from the broader political and security context, particularly the meeting of the ceasefire monitoring mechanism committee and the ongoing negotiations.

He said Israel was trying through this timing to justify its refusal to withdraw from five points by arguing that Hezbollah remained present and continued to conduct military activity.

Kahwaji said the Israeli messages also aimed to show that Hezbollah’s role was far greater than perceived inside Lebanon, arguing that the group was no longer merely a local organization but part of a broad regional project led by Iran.

He said the issue was not related to a trench or one or two military positions, but rather to an integrated structure that included maritime capabilities, infrastructure, and strategic preparations.

He added that Iran had invested tens of millions of dollars in this project, saying Israel was seeking to highlight the scale of military investment in a country whose population was suffering severe internal pressures.

Kahwaji said the file went beyond the area south of the Litani River, noting that the issue was not limited to that region but included the maritime dimension and other areas, particularly since Amhaz was in Batroun in northern Lebanon at the time of the operation.

He said Israel was speaking about tunnels, weapons depots, and equipment in an attempt to show a contradiction between what the Lebanese state declared regarding the disarmament track and what Israel considered a continuation of Hezbollah’s military activity and armament.

He said attempts to strip Imad Amhaz of his civilian status fell within this context, explaining that Israel had from the outset sought to present him as linked to what it called Hezbollah’s naval weapons.

He added that the Lebanese state, in contrast, said the core problem lay in Israel’s continued occupation of the five points, while Israel responded that the main reason was that Hezbollah had not stopped arming itself and that the threat remained.

The Lebanese position and legal dimension

For his part, Nabih Awada, a member of the committee representing detainees and former prisoners in Israeli jails, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the case of Imad Amhaz was, from a legal perspective, that of a civilian abducted from a Lebanese area far from the border. He said his detention did not fall under military arrest.

Awada said this also applied to other documented cases, stressing that the file was being followed up with official Lebanese authorities and with the International Committee of the Red Cross.

He said the Lebanese state was dealing with Imad Amhaz on the basis that he was a civilian and considered that the location of his detention, its circumstances, and its nature did not fall within any military engagement or combat activity. He said this description was what the state relied on in addressing the file before international bodies.

Presidential stance regarding the detainees

Awada said the full details of the file were raised during a meeting with the president of the republic, who he said was fully convinced that the priority of the current stage was the release of Lebanese detainees.

He said the president stressed the need to start at least with civilians detained after the war, given that hostilities had stopped and there was no longer any legal justification for holding them.

He said the president had acted on this basis by communicating with the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as international and US parties.

The Amhaz family’s stance

Alongside official positions, sources close to the family of Imad Amhaz told Asharq Al-Awsat they denied any knowledge of military activity attributed to him, saying Amhaz had been leading a normal civilian life and that the family had never been informed of any link between him and any military or security activity.

They said the information published did not reflect the family’s account.

Detainees and missing persons figures

On figures, Awada said the file submitted to the president included 20 Lebanese detainees whose presence in Israeli prisons had been confirmed, half of whom were arrested during the war and half afterward.

He said among those detained during the war were seven fighters and three civilians, including Imad Amhaz, who was considered a civilian.

Those detained after the ceasefire were all civilians, in addition to three people missing before the war and around 40 missing since it began.



Lebanese Defense Minister: Talks With Israel Aimed at Peace, Not Surrender or Trade-Offs

Lebanese Defense Minister Michel Menassa (National News Agency)
Lebanese Defense Minister Michel Menassa (National News Agency)
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Lebanese Defense Minister: Talks With Israel Aimed at Peace, Not Surrender or Trade-Offs

Lebanese Defense Minister Michel Menassa (National News Agency)
Lebanese Defense Minister Michel Menassa (National News Agency)

Lebanon’s Defense Minister, Major General Michel Menassa, said on Thursday that his country had entered negotiations for peace, not for surrender or trade-offs.

The state-run National News Agency quoted Menassa as saying, during a meeting with Druze spiritual leader Sheikh Sami Abi al-Muna in Verdun: “We discussed the Israeli aggression against our country and the ongoing efforts to stop it. Preserving national unity, rallying around Lebanese legitimacy, and ensuring that arms remain exclusively in the hands of the Lebanese army and official security agencies were our shared priorities. Helping our people overcome this ordeal has been our concern, and rising above narrow calculations in favor of major national objectives will remain our goal.”

He added: “If we are heading to negotiations, they are for peace, not for surrender. We are going to negotiate, not to trade off. We want to stop the rivers of blood in honor of the martyrs, and we, as Lebanese, Muslims and Christians, insist on remaining united.”

He expressed hope that “this ordeal will end, that this cloud will pass, and that the light of deliverance will rise over Lebanon and its people.”

For his part, the Druze spiritual leader stressed “the duty to rally around the state and its legitimate institutions, foremost among them the military establishment, especially under the current circumstances, in support of carrying out its assigned tasks in protecting Lebanon and its sovereignty,” warning against any “attempts to undermine civil peace,” and saying that “a strong Lebanon is a united Lebanon.”


Media Organizations Call on Israel to Allow Foreign Reporters Independent Access to Gaza

FILE - Palestinians walk along a street surrounded by buildings destroyed during Israeli air and ground operations in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on April 9, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana, File)
FILE - Palestinians walk along a street surrounded by buildings destroyed during Israeli air and ground operations in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on April 9, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana, File)
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Media Organizations Call on Israel to Allow Foreign Reporters Independent Access to Gaza

FILE - Palestinians walk along a street surrounded by buildings destroyed during Israeli air and ground operations in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on April 9, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana, File)
FILE - Palestinians walk along a street surrounded by buildings destroyed during Israeli air and ground operations in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, on April 9, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana, File)

The leaders of major media companies around the world, including The Associated Press, are calling on Israel's government to lift a ban keeping foreign journalists from being able to independently enter and report from Gaza, a barrier that's been in place since the war's start in 2023 and continues even as a ceasefire has been in place for more than six months.

“Being on the ground is essential. It allows journalists to question official accounts on all sides, to speak directly with civilians and report back what they witness firsthand,” said the statement from the executives, released Thursday. “That is why news organizations send their reporters into the field, often at great personal risk.”

From the AP and the BBC to CNN to MS NOW, from Reuters to German news agency dpa to The Washington Post, the top editors of more than two dozen organizations said the Israeli government has so far not responded to their efforts to discuss the situation. They questioned the country's rationales for why the restrictions are still in place.

The letter was released at 5 a.m. ET by the local foreign press association.

Israel had said ban was necessary Initially, Israel said the ban was necessary because foreign journalists allowed into Gaza could give away the positions of Israeli soldiers and endanger them. Other rationales have included that as an active battle zone, it was too dangerous. The army has occasionally brought foreign reporters in on highly controlled trips, but media outlets want independent access.

Currently, “the heaviest fighting is over and there is a ceasefire in place," the editors' statement said. "The hostages have come home. Journalists do not pose a threat to Israeli troops. There is a mechanism in place—however restrictive—that allows aid workers to enter and exit the territory. Why not journalists?”

There have been attempts at legal action to force the issue. The Foreign Press Association, which represents international media in Israel, Gaza and the West Bank, has been waiting on a decision from the Israeli Supreme Court on a petition for independent access to Gaza. That action was filed in 2024, but a ruling has been repeatedly delayed, most recently in January.

With foreign journalists kept out of Gaza, coverage of the conditions on the ground there has been possible only for local Palestinian journalists. While covering war would be fraught for any reporter, the Palestinian correspondents have also had to experience it on a personal level — their homes destroyed, their loved ones killed.

When access to food became severely restricted last year they also had to deal with hunger, to the point that the Agence France-Presse news agency in July raised an alarm about their Palestinian colleagues' continued survival. That concern was echoed by the AP and Reuters for the reporters in Gaza they work with.

The editors raised that point in the statement Thursday, saying “this has pushed the responsibility for covering this devastating war and its aftermath almost entirely on our Palestinian colleagues ... They should not have to shoulder this burden alone, and they should be protected.”

Their lives have also been put at risk from military actions. Well over 200 journalists and media workers have been killed according to a tally from the Committee to Protect Journalists organization, far more than in conflicts elsewhere like the Russia-Ukraine war.

Among them was Mariam Dagga, a 33-year-old visual journalist who worked as a freelancer for the AP and other news organizations. She and four other journalists, including Reuters cameraman Hussam al-Masri and Moaz Abu Taha, a freelance journalist who worked with Reuters, were among those killed last August in an Israeli strike on a medical facility.

The AP's reporting on the strike raised questions about the rationale used by the Israeli government to carry out the action against the hospital, which was known as a place where journalists gathered. AP and Reuters later issued a statement calling on Israel to explain what took place and what steps would be taken to protect reporters. The Israeli military says it is still investigating.

The statement from the editors on Thursday came during Press Freedom Week, which they noted. “Freedom of the press is a basic value in any open society. It is time for the delays to end. Let us into Gaza.”


Palestinians Mourn Teenager Shot Dead in the Occupied West Bank

A police officer stands next to a banner at a polling station during the municipal council election, in Hebron, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, April 25, 2026. REUTERS/Mussa Qawasma
A police officer stands next to a banner at a polling station during the municipal council election, in Hebron, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, April 25, 2026. REUTERS/Mussa Qawasma
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Palestinians Mourn Teenager Shot Dead in the Occupied West Bank

A police officer stands next to a banner at a polling station during the municipal council election, in Hebron, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, April 25, 2026. REUTERS/Mussa Qawasma
A police officer stands next to a banner at a polling station during the municipal council election, in Hebron, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank, April 25, 2026. REUTERS/Mussa Qawasma

Mourners carried the body of a teenager killed by Israel’s military through the hills of the West Bank ’s largest city on Thursday, the latest victim in a surge of violence this month.

Ibrahim Al-Khayyat died after being shot and wounded in his chest and abdomen in Hebron, according to the Ramallah-based Palestinian Ministry of Health and the Palestinian Red Crescent Society. Relatives told The Associated Press he was heading to a minimarket when he was shot on Wednesday.

Israel’s military said soldiers had fired on Palestinians during an operation in Hebron after Palestinians hurled rocks toward them.

Mumtaz Shabaneh, al-Khayyat’s schoolteacher, said the killing reflected a wider pattern of violence against Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank, describing it as an attempt “to break our will and undermine our perseverance to remain steadfast on this land.”

Al-Khayyat was the second Palestinian to be killed on Wednesday. The Palestinian Health Ministry said Abdulhalim Hamad died during an Israeli raid in Silwad, northeast of Ramallah. WAFA, the official Palestinian news agency, reported Hammad, 37, was killed at home by Israeli soldiers.

The two deaths add to the more than 40 Palestinians to have been killed by Israeli settlers and soldiers in the occupied West Bank so far this year, according to the UN. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. Teenagers have borne a large share of the violence, with three killed last week.