War Worsens Lebanon's Economic Crisis with Job Losses, Price Gouging and Slow Business

A man inspects his damaged car amid the rubble of shops destroyed in previous Israeli airstrikes in the Hosh neighborhood of Tyre, southern Lebanon, April 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
A man inspects his damaged car amid the rubble of shops destroyed in previous Israeli airstrikes in the Hosh neighborhood of Tyre, southern Lebanon, April 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
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War Worsens Lebanon's Economic Crisis with Job Losses, Price Gouging and Slow Business

A man inspects his damaged car amid the rubble of shops destroyed in previous Israeli airstrikes in the Hosh neighborhood of Tyre, southern Lebanon, April 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)
A man inspects his damaged car amid the rubble of shops destroyed in previous Israeli airstrikes in the Hosh neighborhood of Tyre, southern Lebanon, April 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Bilal Hussein)

Ayman al-Zain watched on a recent afternoon as a bulldozer cleared the rubble of what used to be his sports clothing store, which was one of dozens of buildings destroyed in Israeli strikes against the Hezbollah militant group.

With a nominal truce in place that has reduced but not halted the fighting, Al-Zain tried to assess whether to rebuild the shop in Beirut’s southern suburbs that he once hoped to pass down to his kids. But it's unlikely he will be able to do so anytime soon, and not only because of the fear of more airstrikes.

“Everything is expensive,” he told The Associated Press. “If I want to open a new store and get mannequins, hangers and some accessories, the prices are very different than before.”

The US-Israeli war with Iran, and the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, have sent economic shock waves across the Mideast. In Lebanon, those woes have been compounded by the country's existing economic problems and by largely unregulated markets that are vulnerable to price gouging.

“This continues to be a major economic shock, one of honestly an existential nature,” said Economy Minister Amer Bisat, who is part of the Lebanese Cabinet that came into office over a year ago on a reformist agenda.

Problems have piled up for years

Since 2019, the tiny Mediterranean country has been in the throes of an economic crisis that pulverized the value of its local currency and its banking system.

That's when Lebanese banks collapsed, which evaporated depositors’ savings and plunged about half of the population of 6.5 million into poverty, after decades of rampant corruption, waste and mismanagement. The country suffered some $70 billion in losses in its financial sector, further compounded by about $11 billion in the 2024 war between Israel and Hezbollah, according to the World Bank. The Lebanese pound has since lost over 90% of its value against the US dollar.

The cash-strapped state electricity company provides only a few hours of power a day, and most Lebanese rely on diesel generators to make up the difference. That makes the economy particularly vulnerable to fuel price increases.

Lebanon was already “grappling with multiple rounds of crises,” said Mohamad Faour, professor of finance at the American University of Beirut. "So this round of war only made an already fragile situation more fragile.”

With this new war, 1.2 million Lebanese have been displaced, largely from southern Lebanon and Beirut's southern suburbs. Many are sheltering in schools with no work or draining whatever money they have renting out apartments or hotel rooms.

Economy suffers job losses and crippling inflation

In an interview with the AP from his office, Bisat estimated that the country faces an economic loss of around 7% of its gross domestic product due to the war because “companies are closing, people are losing their jobs, tourists are not showing up.”

Evidence of inflation abounds.

In the usually bustling produce market in Sabra, south of Beirut, vendor Ahmad al-Farra looked dejected as an elderly woman shopping for watermelon, tomatoes and potatoes walked away without buying anything after checking the price tags.

Prices have spiked since the US and Israel launched a war against Iran on Feb. 28, followed quickly by a resurgence of war between Israel and Hezbollah.

“We're keeping our prices low so we can sell, and even then we're not selling,” al-Farra said as the sound of an Israeli drone whizzed overhead.

Even consumers who can afford to spend are anxious and cutting back on nonessential purchases, leaving many businesses empty.

Riad Aboulteif, who runs several restaurants and bars in the capital, said his revenue has dropped by some 90% since the war began, as Lebanon’s shrinking middle class cuts costs.

People are saving more money for their survival and not making plans to celebrate birthdays or other special occasions, he said at one of his bars in the bustling Hamra district of Beirut, where the loud chatter of customers once overpowered the jazz music coming through the sound system.

That night, only a few tables were occupied. He's had to downsize his staff and restructure his menus to offer more affordable items.

War fuels price gouging

Meanwhile, the country’s bankrupt government has struggled to crack down on unfair and illicit profiteering and the hoarding of fuel and other essential items.

Many agricultural areas in southern and eastern Lebanon are no longer accessible because of airstrikes and clashes, but al-Faraa believes suppliers have raised prices beyond what is necessary to cover cost increases.

Some of the starkest increases have been in generator bills.

Families and businesses for years have paid multiple utility bills to cover privately supplied electricity and water in the absence of government services. Neighborhood generator owners charge a monthly fee, and some landlords have their own generators and charge the cost to tenants.

Frustrated business owners have said that generator bills have doubled at times, forcing them to shorten their hours of operation or even close on some days to cut costs.

“If we didn’t take these measures, we cannot continue,” Aboulteif said.

Bisat said his ministry has conducted over 4,000 inspections of private generators, gas stations and shops across the country since the start of the war in March and lodged dozens of complaints to the courts. But the issue will not be quickly resolved.

In the meantime, the government has little ability to crack down on the handful of companies that import and distribute fuel and other goods.

No sign of relief on the horizon

With no end to the war in sight, the economic situation shows no sign of easing.

A tenuous ceasefire is in place between the US and Iran, but talks between Washington and Tehran are gridlocked. A nominal truce between Israel and Hezbollah has reduced but not stopped the fighting in Lebanon.

For now, Lebanese families and business owners are confronting the challenges day by day and hoping for the best.

“Only God knows how we’ve been trying to manage ourselves," al-Farra said.



Iraqi Factions Pledge Allegiance to Khamenei, Reject Disarmament

Members of Iraq's Hezbollah Brigades (Kataib Hezbollah) gather in a mourning procession for one of their comrades who was killed the previous day in a strike in Basra, during the funeral in Baghdad on April 8, 2026. (Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE / AFP)
Members of Iraq's Hezbollah Brigades (Kataib Hezbollah) gather in a mourning procession for one of their comrades who was killed the previous day in a strike in Basra, during the funeral in Baghdad on April 8, 2026. (Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE / AFP)
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Iraqi Factions Pledge Allegiance to Khamenei, Reject Disarmament

Members of Iraq's Hezbollah Brigades (Kataib Hezbollah) gather in a mourning procession for one of their comrades who was killed the previous day in a strike in Basra, during the funeral in Baghdad on April 8, 2026. (Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE / AFP)
Members of Iraq's Hezbollah Brigades (Kataib Hezbollah) gather in a mourning procession for one of their comrades who was killed the previous day in a strike in Basra, during the funeral in Baghdad on April 8, 2026. (Photo by AHMAD AL-RUBAYE / AFP)

About a week before Iraqi Prime Minister Ali al-Zaidi is due to visit Washington, factions and groups linked to the so-called Islamic Resistance in Iraq have rejected calls to hand over their weapons to the state.

As the US administration presses Baghdad to disarm the factions and sever their ties with Iran, the latest positions of these factions confront al-Zaidi with complex political and security challenges.

The government had previously set the end of September as the final deadline for weapons to be surrendered and dismantled, coinciding with the end of the international coalition’s military presence under an agreement with the Iraqi government.

Al-Zaidi said last week that the government had entered into talks with the factions, whose activities would “later shift to the political and social arenas.”

Once the deadline for disarmament and the transfer of weapons to government security institutions expires, “arms will be held exclusively and entirely by the official institutions of the state and its specialized armed and security forces,” al-Zaidi said.

Kataib Hezbollah warning

In a strongly worded statement, Kataib Hezbollah official Abu Hussein al-Hamidawi demanded that the Iraqi government “submit” to the resistance.

In April, the US State Department offered a reward of up to $10 million for information leading to the capture or conviction of al-Hamidawi, who is regarded as one of the faction leaders closest to Iran.

Al-Hamidawi said Kataib Hezbollah was founded by the late Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and on his orders, adding that its members “were and remain loyal to this path.”

“At this historic juncture, we draw the attention of political leaders and government officials to the need to submit to the will of the people of resistance and jihad, and to exercise extreme caution against being drawn into arrogant projects or aligning themselves with their malicious agendas,” al-Hamidawi said, referring to the disarmament plan.

“We warn them that our people will make their position and decision known if the compass deviates,” he added.

A funeral procession in Baghdad for members of Iraq's Kataib Hezbollah killed in a raid targeting a Popular Mobilization Forces headquarters in March 2025 (Reuters)

The so-called Islamic Resistance in Iraq also rejected calls to surrender its weapons. The armed coalition comprises a range of undeclared factions whose agendas align with the activities of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards. They are also widely viewed as covert wings of known Iran-backed factions.

The group said in a statement on Saturday that it remained “committed to the path of resistance.”

“Let the enemies know that the forces of the axis of truth are one body, operating according to the jihadist framework laid down for us by our leader, Khamenei,” it said.

“Hardships will not deter us, but will only strengthen our determination to continue on our path of supporting the oppressed and expelling the occupiers from Iraq and the region.”

“Our weapons have never been open to bargaining. They are a doctrine and a pledge for which we are responsible, and with them we will move forward to break the chains of domination and restrain the arrogant powers,” the group added.

“We therefore affirm to those near and far that we will not stop at what we have achieved. Rather, we will work to develop our military and security capabilities, both quantitatively and qualitatively, and raise our readiness in proportion to the scale of the growing challenges and threats.”

So far, Shiite cleric Moqtada al-Sadr, leader of the Sadrist movement, has responded to calls to bring all weapons under state control. Last month, he ordered his armed faction, Saraya al-Salam, to hand over its weapons and official headquarters to the state.

Asaib Ahl al-Haq and Kataib Imam Ali have also complied with the demand. However, some factions’ continued rejection of the move is likely to increase the challenges and complications the government faces on the issue, according to observers.

A member of Iraq's Kataib Hezbollah waving the faction's banner on a missile launch platform (Faction media)

Expected judicial action

Observers are divided over the prospect of disarming the factions. Some consider it impossible without flexibility or clear approval from Iran, while others believe the government can achieve it amid rapidly changing regional circumstances.

Political analyst Nizar Haidar told Asharq Al-Awsat that it was necessary to distinguish between what the militias publicly declared and what they concealed.

That included “secret understandings that will ultimately lead to the complete surrender of their weapons and the dismantling of their military formations,” he said.

Haidar said he expected the Iraqi judiciary to take a deterrent position against groups that violated the law by retaining weapons outside state control. He added that the judiciary was preparing, for the first time since 2003, to announce a legal code.

“Any military formation or military activity outside the state is expected to be classified as a terrorist act, punishable under existing Iraqi laws by up to the death penalty,” Haidar said.

He said the legal code, if issued, would “contribute significantly to helping the government implement its plans to place all weapons under state control.”

Efforts to disarm and dismantle the factions would also be reinforced by “government plans to purge the security and military institutions of militia members who refuse to sever their ties with their leaders and place their security and military decisions under the authority of the commander-in-chief of the armed forces, following the example of the factions that have announced such steps in recent months,” Haidar added.


Jordan Army: 3 Iranian Missiles Fell Inside Country

The Jordanian capital, Amman. Petra file photo
The Jordanian capital, Amman. Petra file photo
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Jordan Army: 3 Iranian Missiles Fell Inside Country

The Jordanian capital, Amman. Petra file photo
The Jordanian capital, Amman. Petra file photo

Jordan's army said Sunday that three Iranian missiles fell on the kingdom's territory at dawn amid renewed hostilities between Iran and the United States.

"Three missiles fired from Iranian territory fell at dawn in several locations across the kingdom, without causing any casualties. The damage is limited to minor material losses," said a military source quoted in an army statement.

The US attacked Iran early Sunday morning over an Iranian attack on a vessel in the Strait of Hormuz, setting the container ship ablaze and forcing its crew to abandon it.

In retaliation, Iran fired missiles on several Gulf countries and Jordan.


US Proposes 90-Day Sudan Truce Followed by talks

Massad Boulos expresses concern over conditions in El Obeid (File photo: AFP)
Massad Boulos expresses concern over conditions in El Obeid (File photo: AFP)
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US Proposes 90-Day Sudan Truce Followed by talks

Massad Boulos expresses concern over conditions in El Obeid (File photo: AFP)
Massad Boulos expresses concern over conditions in El Obeid (File photo: AFP)

The leak of documents exchanged between the US administration and Sudan’s government has revived hopes of a humanitarian truce while raising questions over whether the country is closer to ending the war or facing another failed peace initiative.

Reuters quoted senior Sudanese officials as confirming the contents of the leaked documents, which showed broad agreement on the proposal’s general principles but a fundamental dispute over the future of the Rapid Support Forces deployed in cities.

The Sudanese government conditionally accepted the idea of a truce, while US statements initially suggested Khartoum had rejected the proposal before later describing it as having accepted it. A final agreement, however, remains out of reach.

According to Reuters, the United States proposed an immediate 90-day humanitarian truce to allow aid deliveries, strengthen civilian protection and pave the way for negotiations on a permanent ceasefire, followed by a civilian-led political transition and elections.

The army-led Sudanese government made its approval conditional on the RSF’s withdrawal from all cities it has controlled since May 11, 2023, rather than carrying out the limited withdrawals stipulated in the US proposal.

A document attributed to the Sudanese government and dated June 25 showed agreement with several key principles, including recognition that there was no military solution to the conflict, a nationwide truce and the formation of a US-led coordination committee including the United Nations, the African Union and the Arab League.

It also proposed a UN mechanism to oversee and monitor implementation, guarantee humanitarian access and protect civilians.

The Sudanese response, however, demanded that the RSF withdraw from all cities under its control. Subsequent security arrangements would include the withdrawal, demobilization, disarmament and reintegration of RSF personnel under UN supervision.

The Sudanese Armed Forces would remain the country’s unified national army, with other military formations incorporated into it.

The dispute may appear limited to one provision, but it goes to the core of the initiative.

The US proposal calls for an immediate ceasefire followed by limited withdrawals and troop redeployments to facilitate aid access, particularly in North Darfur and North Kordofan. Broader military arrangements would be negotiated later as part of a permanent ceasefire.

The Sudanese response instead makes a complete RSF withdrawal from cities and a change in the military control map a precondition for the truce.

The two sides also differ over the future army. The US initiative calls for a unified national military accountable to an independent, elected civilian government, while the Sudanese response links the armed forces to the Sudanese government.

Reuters also said the US proposal called for excluding the Muslim Brotherhood and militia members accused of serious abuses. The Sudanese document used the broader term “violent extremist groups” without naming specific organizations.

At a UN Security Council meeting on June 26, Massad Boulos, senior adviser to the US president on Arab and African affairs, said Sudan’s Sovereignty Council had rejected the latest version of the proposal.

After Sudan’s representative said Sovereignty Council Chairman Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan had submitted a response including a withdrawal timetable and a peace plan, Boulos welcomed what he described as Burhan’s acceptance of the initiative.

“I am pleased to hear that Burhan has apparently accepted the latest peace proposal rather than rejected it,” Boulos said.

He added that the initiative had been prepared in consultation with Sudan’s foreign minister and members of the Sovereignty Council, coordinated with Egypt and welcomed by Saudi Arabia.

The difference appears to reflect conflicting interpretations of acceptance rather than an outright rejection.

Khartoum regards its approval of the general framework, subject to an RSF withdrawal, as conditional acceptance. Washington views that condition as altering the substance of its proposal, which is based on an immediate ceasefire without preconditions.

The two sides, therefore, remain far from agreeing on a final formula.

In a public appearance in Omdurman on Friday, Burhan did not say whether he accepted or rejected the initiative and did not disclose the substance of his government’s response.

Addressing worshippers, he said the armed forces would not accept arrangements imposed upon them or any arrangement that failed to achieve security and peace for the Sudanese people. He said military operations would continue until those he described as “aggressors and rebels” were defeated.

The leak coincided with controversy over an undisclosed meeting reportedly held in Cairo between Sovereignty Council member Shams al-Din Kabbashi and Boulos.

One account said Kabbashi met Boulos without Burhan’s knowledge and did not brief him on the discussions. Al Arabiya cited sources close to Kabbashi as saying the meeting took place at Boulos’ request, with Burhan’s knowledge, and that Burhan was informed of what was discussed.

Neither the Sudanese nor the US side has officially confirmed either account.

Khalid Omar Youssef, a senior figure in the Civil Democratic Alliance of Revolutionary Forces, known as Somoud, told Asharq Al-Awsat that the quartet’s roadmap was “the most important, comprehensive and well-structured initiative.”

He ruled out an imminent breakthrough unless pressure increased on the party obstructing the truce.

RSF position

The RSF has not issued an official statement on the US initiative or the response attributed to the army.

A senior RSF official, who requested anonymity, told Reuters that the force had received the proposal, welcomed it and submitted a written response, without disclosing its contents or its position on withdrawal.

Another senior RSF source told Asharq Al-Awsat that withdrawal from cities under the force’s control was “not open for discussion.”

Any truce should freeze both sides’ positions, the source said, while redeployment and disarmament should be addressed in negotiations on a permanent ceasefire.

Political analyst Mohammed Latif said US and regional pressure, the worsening humanitarian crisis, growing doubts among the sides’ regional backers over the possibility of a military victory, rising civilian demands and fears of Sudan’s division and institutional collapse could improve the prospects for a truce.

He warned, however, that fighting in strategically important areas, disputes over monitoring and concerns that a truce could be used for recruitment, rearmament or military repositioning could undermine the initiative.

Latif also said the widespread deployment of forces made it difficult for both leaderships to control all fighting formations, meaning that a limited violation by a small group could bring an agreement down.

Domestic and foreign actors benefiting from the war could also derail a truce that conflicted with their interests, he said.

The available information suggests Sudan has entered a more substantive negotiating phase involving written proposals, official responses, continuing contacts and growing international pressure.

But an end to the war does not appear imminent.

The army insists that an RSF withdrawal from cities must be a condition for a truce, while the RSF has not formally stated its position, although unofficial indications suggest it rejects the demand.

Sudan, therefore, appears closer to a more serious round of negotiations than to a final ceasefire agreement.

Success will depend on whether mediators can reach a phased formula for withdrawals, establish enforceable monitoring mechanisms and persuade both sides to accept a truce that gives neither an advanced military or political advantage.