Israeli Soldiers Share Rare Accounts from Gaza: Killings Never Stopped

Palestinians inspect the rubble of a building destroyed in an Israeli strike in Deir al-Balah, in the central Gaza Strip, Friday, May 29, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)
Palestinians inspect the rubble of a building destroyed in an Israeli strike in Deir al-Balah, in the central Gaza Strip, Friday, May 29, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)
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Israeli Soldiers Share Rare Accounts from Gaza: Killings Never Stopped

Palestinians inspect the rubble of a building destroyed in an Israeli strike in Deir al-Balah, in the central Gaza Strip, Friday, May 29, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)
Palestinians inspect the rubble of a building destroyed in an Israeli strike in Deir al-Balah, in the central Gaza Strip, Friday, May 29, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)

The Israeli combat soldier saw his teammates yelling in celebration, congratulating one another. They had just struck a vehicle of Palestinians driving near the Israeli-controlled part of the Gaza Strip, killing everyone inside.

The reservist said scenes like this had become common after a fragile ceasefire took effect in October. In the weeks he was stationed in Gaza, he said, he saw soldiers relishing the chance to go after those who crossed — or came close to crossing — the so-called yellow line that divides the strip into Israeli-controlled and Palestinian areas.

“It was a jungle,” the soldier, in his 20s, told The Associated Press. “After the ceasefire, the order was: If someone crosses the line, you shoot them.”

As diplomatic efforts to strengthen the deal have stalled, three soldiers described to AP a sense of confusion in the embattled territory, with a lack of clarity on rules of engagement around the yellow line. Some commanders paid lip service to the agreement, the soldiers said, while privately voicing desire for the war in Gaza to continue.

Sometimes, troops were too far away or acted too quickly to recognize who they were shooting, one soldier said — a concern echoed in comments from a whistleblower group of veterans.

Palestinians walk along a street surrounded by buildings destroyed by Israeli military strikes during the Israel-Hamas war in Khan Younis, southern Gaza Strip, Friday, May 29, 2026. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)

The soldiers' accounts are a rare glimpse into what’s happened in the Israeli-controlled part of Gaza since the deal went into effect seven months ago. The soldiers — reservists deployed throughout Gaza between October and January who've since returned — spoke on condition of anonymity because they feared being ostracized over their comments. They said they were speaking out because they were angered and saddened by what they saw.

AP has documented shootings of Palestinian civilians, including children playing, close to the yellow line. And the soldiers said it felt like the killings never stopped amid the tenuous deal.

“To call it a ceasefire is a joke,” one soldier told AP.

Gaza's yellow line has been ambiguous, and Israel has taken control of more land When the ceasefire went into effect, Israel withdrew troops to a buffer zone demarcated by a yellow line, giving it control of just over half the strip.

Under the agreement, Israeli forces are meant to complete a fuller withdrawal, though there's no timeline for that. The US-backed diplomat overseeing the truce says progress is deadlocked over the central sticking point of disarming Hamas, upon which all other issues — including Israeli withdrawals and reconstruction — hinge.

In the meantime, Israel has expanded control over additional territory in Gaza. Both sides have accused the other of violating the ceasefire.

The line’s exact location has been ambiguous and sometimes invisible. In some places, it’s marked with yellow blocks and barrels; in others, it at times hasn't been indicated at all.

A concrete block marks the "Yellow Line" drawn by the Israeli military in Bureij, in the central Gaza Strip, on Nov. 4., 2025. AFP

The Israeli military invited AP this week to see a section of the yellow line in central Gaza, near the Maghazi refugee camp. The line there was visible, demarcated by a wide dirt path and small yellow markings. To the east was a desolate stretch of open space leading to a heavily fortified Israeli military post about 500 meters away.

An Israeli military commander said Hamas is active on the other side of the line and frequently sends people — militants and civilians — toward the line and even across it to test the army’s readiness and responses.

“There is no reason for anyone to come near the line,” he said, speaking on condition of anonymity under military rules. “There’s nothing here.”

The army says the entire line, which stretches the length of Gaza, is now clearly marked.

Since the ceasefire went into effect, more than 900 people have been killed in Gaza — dozens of those close to or over the yellow line, according to Gaza’s Health Ministry. The ministry doesn't say how many are militants, but unarmed men and children have been among the dead.

Israel's military has said most of the people killed crossing the line posed a threat to troops. But soldiers who spoke to AP and Breaking the Silence — the whistleblower group that has collected troops' testimonies throughout the war — say that at times soldiers were too far away, acting too quickly and under too much pressure to tell.

Israel's army told AP that the area adjacent to the yellow line is a “sensitive operational environment” with signs saying approaching is prohibited. It said the army doesn't target civilians solely for approaching the line and that its rules of engagement require the use of warnings before using force. In situations involving an immediate threat, forces are authorized to act, it said.

One soldier says troops must act fast, with information sometimes based on a hunch It was the combat soldier's second tour in Gaza when the ceasefire began. He said he was posted several hundred meters from the yellow line and saw several people trying to cross it killed by soldiers.

Soldiers shooting or ordering drone strikes don't always know who's crossing the line, he said. Although soldiers must provide coordinates and get approval from superiors before striking, it's hard to give exact information as people are moving, he said. He described soldiers calling in coordinates based on a hunch or the last place they saw someone.

Breaking the Silence says the general rules of engagement are extremely permissive, especially for those crossing the line, with orders in many areas being “shoot to kill.”

Executive director Nadav Weiman, a veteran who served in Gaza but not in this war, said distance from the target and some trigger-happy soldiers can be problematic.

He said orders and policies from the military’s high commanders “have created a reality where countless civilians have and are being killed for crossing invisible lines.”

In one account to Breaking the Silence, in interview notes seen by AP, a soldier describes instructions for troops about anyone crossing the yellow line: “eliminate him no matter what."
Another soldier stationed in Gaza for weeks after the ceasefire said the message from commanders was to hold the line at all costs.

“There was a general feeling that human lives are not valuable,” he said.

When it came to demarcating the yellow line, the soldier said his superiors told him it was “too much work," not their job and that Palestinians should know where it was.

Being in Gaza took an emotional toll, he said.

Sometimes snipers fired warning shots at people close to the line, he said, but commanders told troops to do more to protect themselves. The soldier understood that to mean firing more lethal shots.

He and the other soldiers who spoke to AP said troops generally understood, based on leaders and fellow soldiers' actions, that Israel was in Gaza for the long run, not an eventual withdrawal.

An internal report circulated among aid groups last month and seen by AP said that across Gaza, Israel has become “increasingly proactive” with its strikes.

Separate data from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project, a US-based nonprofit, said April was the deadliest month in Gaza this year and that recorded deaths near the yellow line or of people who crossed it increased by more than 25% from January to April, to 73 from 58.

This week, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said Israel controls 60% of Gaza and the next step was to move to 70% control.

The soldiers told AP that on the ground, the ceasefire is elusive.

“We need to stop using this term," one said of the word, ceasefire. "It’s not serving people that want to stop the war.”



Israeli Detonations Reshape South Lebanon Villages, Deepen Their Isolation

Israeli tanks and military vehicles on a road between destroyed houses in southern Lebanon near the border with northern Israel, April 29, 2026. (AFP)
Israeli tanks and military vehicles on a road between destroyed houses in southern Lebanon near the border with northern Israel, April 29, 2026. (AFP)
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Israeli Detonations Reshape South Lebanon Villages, Deepen Their Isolation

Israeli tanks and military vehicles on a road between destroyed houses in southern Lebanon near the border with northern Israel, April 29, 2026. (AFP)
Israeli tanks and military vehicles on a road between destroyed houses in southern Lebanon near the border with northern Israel, April 29, 2026. (AFP)

Israeli forces are blasting homes, farmland, roads and bridges across southern Lebanon, leaving villages stripped of familiar landmarks and raising fears that residents may never be able to return.

The destruction extends far beyond military positions and hilltops, according to scientific data and a study of war damage. A military expert says the pattern points to an Israeli effort to reshape the region's population and landscape.

Officials at Lebanon's National Council for Scientific Research told Asharq Al-Awsat that 2,057 Israeli explosions were recorded between April 17 and Oct. 29, reflecting the scale of Israeli military operations. No published breakdown of their geographic distribution or counting methodology was available.

An earlier scientific report published by the council documented 1,731 mining and demolition operations in southern Lebanon between March 2 and September 10, including 1,128 after the June 26 “framework agreement”.

The daily average surged from 5.15 operations before the agreement to about 15 afterward.

Homes and bridges in ruins

More than 90,000 homes across Lebanon had been damaged or destroyed by mid-June, according to preliminary estimates cited in a study by Information International. The figure was not limited to southern Lebanon.

The study documented seven bridges completely destroyed and partial damage to the Qasmieh Bridge, among eight bridges targeted along routes linking the area south of the Litani River to surrounding areas.

Citing the International Organization for Migration, the study said 499,784 people remained internally displaced as of July 1, highlighting the struggle to restore stability even as returns began.

The National Council for Scientific Research also documented a massive blast in Majdal Zoun on June 28 and ground waves triggered by an explosion in Shaqif overnight on July 30-31, equivalent to a magnitude 3.8 earthquake, according to the National Center for Geophysics.

A separate explosion in Ali al-Taher on September 10 coincided with a magnitude 4.1 seismic event recorded by the US Geological Survey.

The Shaqif blast raised concerns over the historic Beaufort castle, which has temporary enhanced protection and is listed among the "Castles of Jabal Amel" on the World Heritage List.

The remains of a home destroyed by the Israeli army in the village of Beit Lif, southern Lebanon, April 22, 2026. (AFP)

'Eliminating the foundations of life'

Retired Staff Brigadier General Khalil al-Gemayel described the destruction as a systematic scorched-earth policy designed to wipe out residential communities, deprive them of the basic necessities of life and prevent residents from returning.

He said the operations were paving the way for a prolonged Israeli presence in areas under its control.

The council's tally of 2,057 explosions since April was consistent with the scale of Israeli operations on the ground, Gemayel said, pointing to almost daily blasts targeting not only military positions and hilltops but also homes, neighborhoods, buildings and infrastructure.

The destruction was particularly concentrated around major population centers such as Bint Jbeil, Khiam and Aita al-Shaab, as well as villages including Zawtar al-Sharqiyeh, he said.

Gemayel said the pattern closely followed Israeli troop deployments, with built-up areas and population centers facing Israeli positions bearing the brunt of the demolitions.

The operations went beyond immediate military objectives and were intended to bring about sweeping demographic and environmental changes, he added.

"Destroying homes, infrastructure, vegetation and farmland effectively eliminates the foundations of life, rather than merely preventing military use of these areas," he said.

Gemayel compared the operations to Israel's actions in Syria's Golan Heights after its occupation in 1967, when villages were demolished and cleared.

He said the same approach was now being repeated in southern Lebanon, with the landscape altered and the traces of residential communities erased.

Even a political settlement and Israeli withdrawal would not guarantee a swift return of the displaced, he warned.

Rebuilding communities could take years, perhaps decades, with some residents potentially unable even to locate their former homes after entire streets, buildings and village landmarks disappeared.

A general view shows homes and structures demolished by the Israeli army in the village of Beit Lif, southern Lebanon, April 22, 2026. (AFP)

Imposing a new reality

Gemayel said the demolitions were concentrated in several areas along built-up stretches extending roughly 1,000 meters in front of Israeli positions, targeting buildings and residential communities facing deployed troops.

He identified Majdal Zoun and Mansouri, along with areas around Srebbine, Yater, Beit Yahoun, Hadatha, Baraachit and Aita al-Jabal, as examples.

He said Israeli aerial surveillance and other technological capabilities often allowed its forces to distinguish civilian from military movements, but that had not stopped the destruction from spreading.

Gemayel said the ultimate aim was to prevent residents from returning to areas occupied by Israeli forces or facing their positions by destroying villages and residential communities capable of sustaining everyday life.

The scale and pattern of destruction suggested Israel intended to maintain a long-term presence while imposing a new geographic and demographic reality that could prove difficult to reverse even after military operations ended, he said.


Syria Says Foiled Hezbollah-Linked Plot to Bomb Oil Refinery

Explosives and other equipment that were seized in possession of the detainees. (Syrian internal security forces)
Explosives and other equipment that were seized in possession of the detainees. (Syrian internal security forces)
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Syria Says Foiled Hezbollah-Linked Plot to Bomb Oil Refinery

Explosives and other equipment that were seized in possession of the detainees. (Syrian internal security forces)
Explosives and other equipment that were seized in possession of the detainees. (Syrian internal security forces)

Syrian authorities said on Tuesday they had prevented a sabotage attempt against an important refinery by figures linked to Lebanon's Hezbollah group, which denied the accusation.

The announcement comes after a series of unclaimed attacks against oil and gas pipelines across several parts of Syria.

Domestic intelligence and security forces "foiled a terrorist plot by a cell affiliated with the Hezbollah militia that was targeting the Homs refinery", the security forces said in a statement.

They said they had arrested two members of the cell and seized explosives intended for use in the attack.

In a statement later, Hezbollah denied the accusations "in their entirety", condemning "the repetition of these accusations".

It reiterated that it "has no presence or connections in Syrian territory and has nothing to do with any activity that undermined Syria's security and stability".

The Homs refinery, in central Syria, is the only operational one in a country devastated by more than a decade of civil war that ended in late 2024.

Another refinery, on the coast at Banias, is undergoing maintenance.

Damascus has previously announced the dismantling of cells linked to Hezbollah, which has denied the allegations each time.

The Lebanese group took part in Syria's war on the side of the since-overthrown Bashar al-Assad, fighting against those now in power in Damascus and earning their ongoing enmity.

On Sunday, Syrian news agency SANA reported a foiled plot against the refinery, while in early October Damascus reported sabotage attacks first against an oil pipeline and then a gas one.

Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa and Hezbollah leader Naim Qassem have both raised the possibility of meeting each other.


Jordan Charges Church Attack Suspects with Terrorism

 Relatives mourn as they hold a framed portrait of a victim killed in an attack on a Greek Orthodox church during a funeral ceremony in Karak, Jordan, Sunday, Oct. 25, 2026. (AP)
Relatives mourn as they hold a framed portrait of a victim killed in an attack on a Greek Orthodox church during a funeral ceremony in Karak, Jordan, Sunday, Oct. 25, 2026. (AP)
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Jordan Charges Church Attack Suspects with Terrorism

 Relatives mourn as they hold a framed portrait of a victim killed in an attack on a Greek Orthodox church during a funeral ceremony in Karak, Jordan, Sunday, Oct. 25, 2026. (AP)
Relatives mourn as they hold a framed portrait of a victim killed in an attack on a Greek Orthodox church during a funeral ceremony in Karak, Jordan, Sunday, Oct. 25, 2026. (AP)

Jordanian prosecutors on Tuesday charged three men with terrorism-related offences over a deadly gun attack last month on a church in the kingdom's south.

On October 23, gunmen killed nine people and wounded 25 others when they stormed a funeral at a Greek Orthodox church in Hammoud village, in Jordan's Karak governorate.

Authorities said the suspected gunmen, two Jordanian brothers and their relative by marriage, fled after the attack but were arrested three days later.

According to a statement from Jordan's state security prosecutor, "the public prosecution has completed all investigative procedures... related to the terrorist attack carried out at Saint George Church".

The seven charges include "committing terrorist acts resulting in the death of a person, carrying out terrorist acts using weapons and ammunition, possessing weapons and ammunition for terrorist purposes, conspiring to carry out terrorist acts and promoting the ideology of a terrorist group".

Under Jordan's anti-terrorism law, a conviction on the most serious charge -- carrying out terrorist acts resulting in death -- is punishable by death.

Authorities have described the suspects as followers of a hardline extremist ideology.

The attack shocked the kingdom, where Christians make up around three percent of Jordan's Muslim-majority population.

Jordan retaliated by launching deadly strikes on "terrorist organizations" in Syria, claiming to have killed more than 20 extremists, but sparking a brief diplomatic crisis with its neighbor.